Wednesday, January 15, 2025

Nabataeans, so-called Umayyads, and the Lycians

by Damien F. Mackey “… it is not surprising to postulate that the Nabataeans reached Lycia which is located within the Mediterranean basin, an area which had close links with the Nabataeans”. Zeyad al-Salameen The so-called Umayyad Caliphate, which is customarily dated to c. 660-750 AD, has been exposed by genuine archaeology as belonging, instead, to the approximate time of Jesus Christ. On this, see e.g. my article: Dumb and Dumbfounded archaeology (5) Dumb and Dumbfounded archaeology This is also the era of the highly influential Nabataeans, whom professor Gunnar Heinsohn (RIP) had actually identified as Umayyad. On this, see e.g. my article: Supposed C7th-C8th AD Umayyads belong to the Roman Nabataean era (5) Supposed C7th C8th AD Umayyads belong to the Roman Nabataean era The implications of this Umayyad revision, if correct, are mind-bogglingly enormous. In one stroke, stratigraphical archaeology will have wiped out (1) the traditional Mohammed (as a C7th AD character); (2) the closely associated Rashidun Caliphate; and, of course, (3) the Umayyad Caliphate: Oh my, the Umayyads! Deconstructing the Caliphate (5) Oh my, the Umayyads! Deconstructing the Caliphate Obviously this is sufficient to take out traditional Islam at its very roots! Money had nothing to do with the Fall of the Golden Age of Islamic intellectualism, because there never, ever, was such a Golden Age. THE FALL OF THE GOLDEN AGE OF ISLAM – It’s All About the Money. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8P6V_AXqCMU On this, see e.g. my article: Melting down the fake Golden Age of Islamic intellectualism (2) Melting down the fake Golden Age of Islamic intellectualism Whoops, there goes the famous Abbasid Caliphate (c. 750-1260 AD, conventional dating) as well! And there goes Baghdad Madinat al-Salam (“City of Peace”) along with it: Original Baghdad was Jerusalem (2) Original Baghdad was Jerusalem From I Maccabees 5:24-25 we learn that the Nabataeans were contemporaneous with the Jewish Maccabees: Judas Maccabeus and his brother Jonathan crossed the Jordan and made three days’ journey into the wilderness. They encountered the Nabateans, who met them peaceably and told them all that had happened to their kindred in Gilead. Though the Maccabees are conventionally dated to c. 170 BC, significantly before the time of Jesus Christ, I, however, would have Judas Maccabeus as an older contemporary of the Christ Child: Shepherds of Bethlehem and the five Maccabees (3) Shepherds of Bethlehem and the five Maccabees Lycian connection Zeyad al-Salameen has written about “THE NABATAEANS AND LYCIANS” as follows: (3) The Nabataeans and Lycians …. In 2003 the author had the opportunity to discuss the Nabataean relations with other people with professor John Healey who hinted that there was a possible link between the Lycians, who inhabited the southwestern parts of Anatolia by the early first millennium and spoke an Indo-European language and the Nabataeans, who had settled in the northern part of Arabia around the fifth-fourth centuries B.C. (for the geographical locations of Nabataea and Lycia, see, Map 1). This paper will try, therefore, to comprehend this possible link archaeologically. Before we proceed we should identify the Lycians and Nabataeans. WHO WERE THE LYCIANS? The "Lycians" is a name given to the people who inhabited Lycia which is located on the southwestern coast of Asia Minor in Anatolia. It is mentioned in many historical sources. Herodotus states that the Lycians came from Crete under Serapedon, probably through Miletus (Histories 1). They were named after Lycus, the son of Pandion II, king of Athens who was exiled by his brother Aegeus and settled among the Termilae (The Geography of Strabo 14:3.10). Homer states that the Lycian contingent fighting at Troy was said to have been led by two esteemed warriors: Sarpedon and Glaucus (Iliad II). I Macc. 15:23 mentions that Lycia was among the recipients of a letter from the Roman consul Lucius Piso in the second century B.C. regarding the Roman alliance with the Jews. Lycia was under the control of the Persian Empire in 546 B.C. when one of the generals of Cyrus II conquered Asia Minor and they ruled Lycia until 468 BC. Later, it was conquered by Alexander the Great in 333 BC. In 309 BC Ptolemy took over Lycia and during this period Greek culture, art and language were adopted by the Lycians. In 197 B.C. Antiochus III conquered Lycia and the Lycians were granted freedom in 169 BC. Lycia became a Roman province in 46 A.D. Under the Roman rule, Lycia enjoyed relative independence until the time of Augustus (for more details see, Childe 1981: 55-80). The remaining ruins include many rock-cut tombs and dating from the 5th Century B.C. The Lycians cut their tombs in the rock and these tombs bear inscriptions (see for example Schweyer 2002). Almost all the tomb inscriptions are written in two different languages: Greek, which can be dated to the first three centuries of the Roman Empire and Lycian, which are older that the Greek and can be dated to the fifth and fourth centuries B.C. (Pembroke 1965:218). WHO WERE THE NABATAEANS? They were a group of Arabian tribes who settled in Northern Arabia and the southern parts of the Levant during the fifth-fourth centuries B.C. During the period between the second century B.C. and the first century A.D. they established a kingdom that covered modern Jordan, northern Arabia, southern Syria and southern Palestine. Their kingdom came to an end in A.D. 106 when it was annexed to the Roman Empire by Trajan (Bowersock 1970: 37-47) Mackey’s comment: But see my proposed earlier dating of Trajan: Hadrianus Traianus Caesar - Trajan transmutes to Hadrian (3) Hadrianus Traianus Caesar - Trajan transmutes to Hadrian Zeyad al-Salameen continues: Petra, the Nabataeans' capital, was an active commercial metropolis receiving goods from various producers such as Arabia, India, East Africa and China. These commodities were then to be distributed to other nations. Archaeological fieldworks in Nabataea provide ample evidence for international and regional interaction. Pottery, coins and inscriptions have been found outside Nabataea including Southern Arabia, the Arabia Gulf, the Mediterranean basin and Italy (For more details see al-Salameen 2004: 45ff). Eastwards the Nabataeans probably reached India, China and Charax. Westwards they reached Greece and Rome and northwards they seem to have reached Phoenicia and Anatolia, as we shall discuss below. Nabataeans are known as merchants who worked as middlemen who controlled and monopolized the trade of aromatics, which were highly prized by the ancients. These commodities were highly esteemed by the Romans, Greeks, Chinese, Charecenes and possibly the Lycians. The location of Nabataean and Lycia both help to flourish this trade. Nabataea’s strategic location made it a bridge between the "producers" and the "consumers" of these merchandises. Additionally, the main incense trade passed via these territories. Lycia, on the other hand, was located on the main trade routes between Cyprus and the Levant in the east; Greece and the Anatolian coast in the west; and Egypt to the south (Keen 1998: 31-33). It is located also close to the Greek islands which witnessed Nabataean activities (see map 1). A bilingual inscription was found in Miletus which is not far away from Lycia and dedicated by Syllaeus the Nabataean Minister during his visit to Rome during the last decade of the first century B.C.(Figure 1) (Cantineau 1978:46) Another dated Nabataean inscription was found in Cos island and dedicated the construction of a temple to the goddess al-‘Uzza (Roche 1996:79). Traces of a bilingual Nabataean-Greek inscription have also been discovered in Delos (Schmid 2004: 415-426). The letters of this inscription are somewhat unclear and only a few words can be read and refer to the Nabataean minister Syllaeus of Obodas and probably mention the Nabataean god Dushara (Figure 2) (Roche 1996:83-84). …. In the light of the aforementioned evidence it is not surprising to postulate that the Nabataeans reached Lycia which is located within the Mediterranean basin, an area which had close links with the Nabataeans. The legacy of the Nabataeans is mostly represented in religious heritage. Nabataean tombs and temples are scattered in many areas of their cities which indicate that religion and afterlife played an integral role in their belief. In this article I am not going to go into these aspects but will try to shed some light on the Nabataean tomb inscriptions and their similarities to the Lycian sepulchral inscriptions. Additionally, this paper will try to measure the range of Nabataean-Lycian architectural influence especially in terms of tomb architecture. ….

Friday, January 10, 2025

Jesus Christ, the new Temple, is able to hand out forgiveness

“Jesus handed out forgiveness whenever anyone humbly approached him. He acted like a mobile temple”. John Dickson John Dickson well explained this situation in this 2018 article: https://www.johndickson.org/blog/2018/2/7/jesus-as-the-temple Jesus as Temple - a forgotten aspect of his own claim to authority …. The temple was the centre of Israel’s national and religious life. This was where God chose to dwell, according to the Hebrew Scriptures; it was where sacrifices for the forgiveness of sins could be made; it was where the country’s leading teachers could be heard in the vast temple courts; it was where pilgrims gathered in tens of thousands, especially at Passover time, to sing and pray to the one true God. For the devout Jew, arriving at the crest of the Mount of Olives and looking down at the temple of God must have stirred up extraordinary feelings of national pride and spiritual awe. In the midst of this already heightened sense of occasion, toward the end of his public career as a teacher and healer, Jesus entered the Jerusalem Temple and proceeded to pronounce judgement on it—as if he had authority even over this central symbol of Israel’s faith: “Jesus entered the temple courts and drove out all who were buying and selling there. He overturned the tables of the money changers and the benches of those selling doves. “It is written,” he said to them, “‘My house will be called a house of prayer,’ but you are making it ‘a den of robbers’.” — Matthew 21:12–13 It is hardly surprising that Jesus would be dead by the end of the week. It is also not surprising that one of the central charges laid against him at his trial was his reported contempt for the temple. Matthew’s Gospel records: “Finally two came forward and declared, “This fellow said, ‘I am able to destroy the temple of God and rebuild it in three days.’” Then the high priest stood up and said to Jesus, “Are you not going to answer?’” — Matthew 26:60–62 Jesus did not answer this charge …. Historically revealing is the fact that in the Gospel of John’s account of the clearing of the temple (probably written independently of the other three Gospels) we hear a statement from Jesus that comes very close to the one recalled at his trial: “The Jews then responded to him, “What sign can you show us to prove your authority to do all this?” Jesus answered them, “Destroy this temple, and I will raise it again in three days.” They replied, “It has taken forty-six years to build this temple, and you are going to raise it in three days?” But the temple he had spoken of was his body. After he was raised from the dead, his disciples recalled what he had said. Then they believed the scripture and the words that Jesus had spoken. ” — John 2:18–22 At first sight, this is a bizarre statement: Jesus’ body, crucified and raised, is the temple! However, this is not the first time Jesus has identified himself with the temple. The theme emerges a number of times in the Gospels. We get hints of it every time Jesus hands out divine forgiveness to people. In first-century Judaism, only the temple priests could pronounce forgiveness, and, even then, only after the appropriate sacrifice had been offered. This is why, after Jesus forgave the prostitute at the home of Simon the Pharisee, as discussed in the previous chapter, the guests murmured, “Who is this who even forgives sins?” (Luke 7:49b). Jesus handed out forgiveness whenever anyone humbly approached him. He acted like a mobile temple. An explicit comparison between Jesus and the temple is found in Matthew 12 in a scene set long before Jesus took on the temple priests. The Pharisees had criticised Jesus’ disciples for doing what looked like work on the Sabbath day. Jesus responded: “Haven’t you read what David did when he and his companions were hungry? He entered the house of God, and he and his companions ate the consecrated bread—which was not lawful for them to do, but only for the priests. Or haven’t you read in the Law that the priests on Sabbath duty in the temple desecrate the Sabbath day [i.e., do work on the Sabbath] and yet are innocent? I tell you that something greater than the temple is here. ” — Matthew 12:3–6 The logic goes like this: priests are exempt from the Sabbath law when working within the precinct of the temple; how much more then are the disciples exempt when working in the vicinity of the Messiah. Jesus, according to these words, is more than the temple. This is an extraordinary statement in its first-century context. When Jesus rode into Jerusalem, entered the temple and declared its ministry bankrupt, he was not acting as a mere religious radical. According to the witness of the Gospel writers, he was acting as God’s replacement temple, or, perhaps more accurately, as the reality to which the temple pointed all along. All that the temple had meant for Israel for almost one thousand years was now to be found in Israel’s Messiah. The presence of God which human beings so longed for was to be found through a personal connection with Christ …. The hunger for divine teaching could be satisfied, not in the courts of a glorious sanctuary, but by feeding on the words of Jesus. True “pilgrims” could henceforth declare their praises, not within the walls of one sacred building, but wherever people gathered in honour of the Messiah. And forgiveness of sins could be enjoyed through the one priestly sacrifice of Jesus, not through priest and sacrifice. The Jerusalem temple was eventually destroyed some forty years after Jesus’ death, when in August AD 70 Roman troops stormed Jerusalem to end a bitter five-year rebellion. …. From the point of view of the first followers of Jesus, the temple was really overthrown and replaced around AD 30. From the time of Christ’s death and resurrection, said the early Christians, a new temple was established for all nations. All who want to locate the Creator’s presence, learn his teaching, and enjoy his forgiveness can do so simply by embracing the Messiah, the new temple.

Wednesday, January 8, 2025

Supposed C7th-C8th AD Umayyads belong to the Roman-Nabataean era

“The Greek language, adopted by the Nabataeans in the 1st c. CE, is –– with no discernible evolution –– employed some 700 years later for Umayyad inscriptions of the 8th century.”. Gunnar Heinsohn We read at: file:///C:/Users/Damien%20Mackey/Downloads/arabs-8th-century-heinsohn-04-2018%20(2).pdf the late professor Gunnar Heinsohn’s piece on: … Are Nabataean and Umayyad art styles really 700 years apart? So, who was capable to place 15 m deep cement foundations under Jerusalem's Umayyad palaces in front of the Temple Hill? Whose Arabic realm was located close enough to the Holy City to built [sic] there in such a massive way? Who were the Arabs well known for alliances with Jews (e.g., Maccabees against Seleucids)? Only the Nabataeans fit that profile. The Greek language, adopted by the Nabataeans in the 1st c. CE, is –– with no discernible evolution –– employed some 700 years later for Umayyad inscriptions of the 8th century. Umayyad soldiers were dressed in Greek fashion. They used the ballista (arradah) as artillery although its technology was more than 700 years old. At Tiberias, they are on record for having been stratigraphic bedfellows of 700 years earlier Romans, blossoming right after Hellenism of the 1st c. BCE: “During the course of a dig designed to facilitate the expansion of the Galei Kinneret Hotel, Hartal noticed a mysterious phenomenon: Alongside a layer of earth from the time of the Umayyad era (638-750[CE]), and at the same depth, the archaeologists found a layer of earth from the Ancient Roman era (37 B.C.E.-132[CE]). ‘I encountered a situation for which I had no explanation - two layers of earth from hundreds of years apart lying side by side’, says Hartal. ‘I was simply dumbfounded’.” (Barkat 2003). Damien Mackey’s comment: On this, see e.g. my article: Dumb and Dumbfounded archaeology (4) Dumb and Dumbfounded archaeology Reconstruction of several of the six Umayyad Palaces (with 15 m deep cement foundations) that were, completely unexpected, discovered in the 1970s near the Western and Southern walls of Jerusalem’s Temple Mount. Herodian, Roman, and Byzantine urban strata beneath the palaces are occasionally claimed but were never verified -- either here or anywhere else! Since no Abbasid palaces have been found super-imposed on Jerusalem’s Umayyad palaces (only Abbasid “repairs” are claimed), the two Early Medieval Arab dynasties must have overlapped in the 8th -10th century period. [http://siramuharafa.blogspot.com/2015/06/blog-post_3.html] [http://siramuharafa.blogspot.com/2015/06/blog-post_3.html] [Go to original article] Eventually, the Israeli scholars decided to invoke a geological miracle to obey Christian chronology and, at the same time, make sense of the stratigraphy of Tiberias. That mover of a higher order was identified as a mega-earthquake of 749 CE afflicting all the lands from Damascus to Egypt. With surgical precision that desaster [sic] had pushed the 1st c. BCE ff. Roman material upwards until it stopped precisely at the Umayyad level of the 7th/8th c. ff. CE. The Arab material, however, was kept in its position in such a wondrous manner that the Roman material was neither allowed to stop inappropriately below nor to move inappropriately above the Arab material believed to have arrived some 700 years later. Yet, all the stratigraphic evidence does really show (for the period preceding the catastrophe that drowned the 2nd/3rd. c. CE Roman theatre of Tiberias) is the contemporaneity of 7th/8th ff. c. CE Arabs and 1st c. BCE to 2nd c. CE Romans. Thus, Early Medieval Umayyads followed as directly after Late Hellenisms (=Late Roman Republic = Late Latène of the 1st c. BCE) as Roman Imperial Antiquity (1st-3rd c. CE). However, misled by their stern belief in textbook chronology archaeologists have, time and again, distorted the situation laid bare by excavations to match their pre-conceived dates. Yet, the time to allow stratigraphy its say may be closer than ever. A recent example for such fresh openness is provided by Bet Yerah on the southern tip of Lake Kinnereth. For decades, a large fortified enclosure on this site (sector SA on the map below) was misidentified as a synagogue from Byzantine Late Antiquity (4th6th c.). Yet fresh excavations completed in 2013 point to the Umayyad qasr (castrum) of al-Sinnabra from the Early Middle Ages (8th-10th c.). That fortress cuts through the site’s Hellenistic walls whose period is dated some 700 years earlier. Even the name of the place, Al-Sinnabra or Sinn en-Nabra (Umayyad Arabic), is still the same as in Hellenistic times (700 years earlier) when it was known as Sennabris (Greek): “Post-Hellenistic presence on Tel Bet Yeraḥ was quite limited in extent and did not produce massive deposits. Early excavators reported Roman remains, but virtually nothing of this period can be identified in the remaining collections. Byzantine occupation appears to be limited to the church excavated and published by Delougaz and Haines” (Greenberg/Tal/Da’adli 2017, 1). Contiguous Hellenistic and Early Islamic remains, supposedly 700 years apart, were excavated all over the site. In a sounding of tower four, “we found that its foundation trench cut several walls of Hellenistic and Early Bronze date”. The western wall of tower five “was founded on an earlier Hellenistic wall”. Tower six covered a “portion of a water channel that appears to have drained the fortified area. The soil inside the channel was reported to contain ‘Roman’ glass and pottery” (all quotes from Da’adli 2017 b). Such Roman remains of Imperial Antiquity (1st -3 rd c.) are, indeed, to be expected on top of Late Hellenism buildings (ending in the 1 st c. BCE). Yet, they are contemporary with the Umayyad Early Middle Ages (8th -10th c.), too. No less intriguing are the mosaics of the Umayyad audience basilica. Stratigraphically, they belong to Bet Yerah’s Imperial Antiquity (1st-3rd c. CE succeeding Hellenistic 1st c. BCE). Yet, they are very similar to Late Antique mosaics from “the second half of the fifth century CE” (Lower Chapel at Khirbat al-Mukhayyat [Mount Nebo]) as well as from “535-536” (Saint George at Kh. al-Mukhayyat). Finally, they resemble Early Medieval mosaics from the “eighth century CE” (Jabalal-Akhdar chapel at Amman) as well as the “eighth/ninth centuries” (Ramla; all quotes from Da’adli 2017 b). Thus, the mosaics belong to three periods at the same time: (1) Imperial Antiquity (in stratigraphy), (2) Late Antiquity (in style), and (3) Early Middle Ages (in style). They can do this only if all three periods represent facets of the 8th-10th c. time-span. A search for Arabs of the Hellenistic period, directly preceding 700 years later Ummayads, in and around Israel/Palestine, again, lands at the Nabataeans. Though they acted as vital players between Egypt and Syria, they were suddenly and mysteriously forgotten around the 1st/2nd c. CE. No less mysteriously striking similarities between images of Nabataean and Umayyad sculptures over a 700-year period have long been seen by art historians (e.g., Avi-Jonah 1942). Indeed, there are "close relations between the art of Ahnas and the Nabataean sculptural school reflected at Khirbat et Tannur. Despite the time gap between the sites, this affinity cannot be fortuitous" (Talgam 2004,100). ….

Parable of the Unjust Steward – Jesus here is using shock tactics

“The conclusion of the parable is startling, but that shouldn’t come as a surprise. As He so often does, Jesus is using a story to grab our attention and shake us out of our complacency”. Clement Harrold Clement Harrold has provided this helpful account of a most difficult parable: https://stpaulcenter.com/why-does-jesus-praise-the-unjust-steward/ Why Does Jesus Praise the Unjust Steward? By Clement Harrold February 23, 2024 The Parable of the Unjust Steward, also known as the Parable of the Dishonest Manager, appears only in Luke 16:1-13, and is arguably the most controversial of all of Jesus’s parables. The story revolves around a rich man who calls his steward to account for poor management of his estate. Faced with losing his position, yet unwilling to make a living as a laborer or through begging, the steward decides instead to summon his master’s debtors one by one. After asking each of them what they owe, he then acquits a large portion of their debts so as to ingratiate himself towards them ahead of his impending dismissal. Then comes the confusing part. The steward now has a track record of undermining his master’s financial interests. But when the master discovers everything that has taken place, rather than become angry at the steward, he praises him instead: The master commended the dishonest steward for his prudence; for the sons of this world are wiser in their own generation than the sons of light. And I tell you, make friends for yourselves by means of unrighteous mammon, so that when it fails they may receive you into the eternal habitations. (Lk 16:8-9) What’s going on here? The conclusion of the parable is startling, but that shouldn’t come as a surprise. As He so often does, Jesus is using a story to grab our attention and shake us out of our complacency. With that in mind, several things can be said about the proper interpretation of the passage. To begin with, we should notice that the master praises the unjust steward not for his dishonesty but for his prudence. Indeed, Jesus goes out of His way to clarify that those who are dishonest in small things will be dishonest in great things (v. 10), and He directly cautions against those who serve mammon over God (v. 13). Clearly, then, the steward in question is not being held up as a paragon of virtue; he may in fact be in grave spiritual danger. Nevertheless, while the moral conduct of the steward leaves something to be desired, the urgency with which he faces his predicament is admirable. In this sense, Jesus is employing what we might call an a fortiori argument: if even this unjust steward is willing to go to extreme lengths to save his livelihood, how much more so should Christians be willing to go to extreme lengths to save their souls. Jesus is expressing His frustration at the fact that the sons of this world often seem to show more resolve and acumen in tending to their worldly problems than Christians do in tending to their spiritual problems. And so, despite his many flaws, the unjust steward reacts to his plight in a manner which Christians should learn from. For one thing, the steward knows he is in a crisis, and he never tries to pretend otherwise; Jesus is reminding His listeners that they too must recognize the spiritual crisis of sin which they find themselves in. Additionally, the steward is honest about his weakness: “I am not strong enough to dig, and I am ashamed to beg” (v. 3). Once again, he acknowledges the reality in front of him, just as Christians need to admit their own frailties and their total dependence on divine grace. Finally, the unjust steward acts, and he does so decisively. Realizing his “judgment day” is drawing near, he wastes no time in using his master’s beneficence to get himself out of the hole in which he finds themself. Here, too, he shines forth as an unlikely but legitimate role model for Christians to follow. Just as the dishonest steward recognizes his dire straits and moves with great urgency to set things right, likewise Christians are called to acknowledge their sinful state and reject all spiritual complacency. There’s one more key to unlocking this parable, and it comes in verse 9: “I tell you, make friends for yourselves by means of unrighteous mammon, so that when it fails they may receive you into the eternal habitations.” In this verse, the worldly prudence of the steward becomes a model for Christian almsgiving. Readily appreciating the fleeting nature of human wealth, Jesus exhorts His followers to use their money for an eternal investment instead. Like the unjust steward, we ought to acknowledge the spiritual crisis in which we find ourselves, and we must recognize that our salvation is not assured. Viewed from this perspective, making donations to the poor becomes not just one nice deed among many, but an essential part of our sanctification. We need to give alms so that on judgment day the poor whom we helped in this life—the very poor in whom Christ Himself resides (see Mt 25:30-40)—will advocate for our entrance into the life to come. The central lesson of the Parable of the Unjust Steward, it seems, is that we need to take our eternal salvation seriously—and almsgiving is an integral part of that process. Clement Harrold is a graduate student in theology at the University of Notre Dame. His writings have appeared in First Things, Church Life Journal, Crisis Magazine, and the Washington Examiner. He earned his bachelor's degree from Franciscan University of Steubenville in 2021.

Suggestion that Herod Archelaus may figure in a Parable of Jesus

by Damien F. Mackey “Evidently, if the nobleman is modeled after Archelaus, as I am arguing, the journey was not military, but a diplomatic mission to secure the political patronage of an overlord for a client king”. Marcus K M Tso That Jesus may have been, to a greater or lesser extent, making reference in his Parables to real historical incidents was the subject matter of my article: Some of the Parables of Jesus may be based upon real events (2) Some of the Parables of Jesus may be based upon real events Since writing this I have come across two articles whose authors think that Jesus could well have had in mind the situation of Herod Archelaus in pursuit of the royal power. Firstly, Marcus K M Tso wrote this in his (2021) article: What if Jesus Is Not in This Parable? (1) What If Jesus Is Not in This Parable …. The nobleman who went to a distant country First, Luke’s parable begins by introducing the authoritative figure, not as a king, but as “a nobleman (Ἄνθρωπός τις εὐγενὴς) [who] went to a distant country to get royal power for himself and then return” (19:12). …. As hinted above, such a description of the main character in the parable can cause much confusion for the modern reader who is unfamiliar with the political background of Jesus’ times. One may misunderstand this figure to be an independent ruler who leaves his home base in a military or diplomatic campaign to gain control over some distant domain. However, interpreters familiar with the relevant historical context recognize that another picture is probably intended. The main source of that context is Josephus, who reports that after Herod the Great died and willed his kingdom to his son Herod Archelaus, the latter still had to leave Jerusalem and go to Rome to have Augustus Caesar confirm his appointment. …. [Ptolemy] opened and read [Herod’s] testament, wherein Philip was to inherit Trachonitis, and the neighboring countries, and Antipas was to be tetrarch, as we said before, and Archelaus was made king. [Ptolemy] had also been commanded to carry Herod’s ring to Caesar, and the settlements he had made, sealed up, because Caesar … was to confirm [Herod’s] testament … (Josephus, War 1.668-669 [1.33.8]) …. The passage above illustrates well why Luke’s authoritative figure is not described as a king outright. In the case of Archelaus, though he was one of King Herod’s sons (a certain man of noble birth, Ἄνθρωπός τις εὐγενὴς), and the one whom Herod had named in his will as the heir to his throne, his succession was not automatic, but subject to imperial ratification. The following passage further sheds light on the necessity of the nobleman’s long journey to secure his kingdom. Now the necessity which Archelaus was under of taking a journey to Rome was the occasion of new disturbances; for when he had mourned for his father seven days … he put on a white garment, and went up to the temple, where the people accosted him with various acclamations. He also spoke kindly to the multitude, from an elevated seat and a throne of gold, and returned them thanks for the zeal they had shown about his father’s funeral, and the submission they had made to him, as if he were already settled in the kingdom; but he told them withal, that he would not at present take upon him either the authority of a king, or the names thereto belonging, until Caesar, who is made lord of this whole affair by the testament, confirms the succession. (Josephus, War 2.1-2 [2.1.1]) …. Evidently, if the nobleman is modeled after Archelaus, as I am arguing, the journey was not military, but a diplomatic mission to secure the political patronage of an overlord for a client king. [End of quotes] Next we read in this 2023 article, “Jesus' Parable is Based on Real History”: https://www.itemsleftinthestudy.org/post/jesus-parable-is-based-on-real-history This past Sunday (April 30), we looked at Jesus’ parable of the Ten Minas (Luke 19:11-27). I made a comment about how this parable is a little different than the parable of the talents (Matthew 25:14-30), which is much more familiar to us. In fact, I do not remember ever hearing a sermon preached on the parable of the ten minas while I was growing up in the church. Many people look at these two parables and say that Jesus told one similar parable, and the New Testament writers (Matthew and Luke) changed the details to fit their contexts and audiences. I would disagree with this. Even though these two parables are similar in some of their details, these two parables are just that, two different parables told by Jesus at two different times. But the thing that I find interesting about the parable of the ten minas, is that this parable is based upon a historical event. I love history and enjoy learning about different historical events, whether that is American history or ancient history. I want to share with you the historical event that Jesus uses for the parable of the ten minas. But before we get to the actual historical event, we need to realize that this makes sense for Jesus to use historical events and everyday experiences to teach people about God and the Kingdom of God. Part of studying the parables of Jesus is to put ourselves into the proverbial shoes of Jesus’ first century audience. Jesus used images that people in first century were familiar with so that He could teach them about God and about the Kingdom of God. By definition, a parable is an everyday picture or story that usually teaches one spiritual truth. When we look at Jesus’ parables, we must realize that not every single detail in the parable means something. Yes, there are a few of Jesus’ parables that do not follow this definition (i.e., Parable of the Sower) but typically Jesus’ parables teach one truth. When we look at the parable of the ten minas, we see Jesus coming to Jerusalem and He will be welcomed as King (Luke 19:28-44). But the Jews believed that Jesus would enter Jerusalem, overthrow the Romans, and set up His kingdom (making Israel free again). But in Luke 19:11, Jesus tells the crowds a parable to help correct their wrong understandings about the Kingdom of God. Jesus is not entering Jerusalem to save the Israelites from the Romans; Jesus is entering to save them from their sins. In Luke 19:12 we read, “… A man of noble birth went to a distant country to have himself appointed king and then to return.” When Jesus’ audience heard those opening words of this parable, they all thought of how Herod Antipas and Archelaus became rulers over the nation of Israel around 4 BC. King Herod died in 4 BC. [sic] Before he dies, he changes his will for a third time, naming Archelaus as King and Archelaus’ brothers Antipas and Philip as tetrarchs. Archelaus makes it his first priority to travel to Rome after his father’s death to secure the emperor’s confirmation. Antipas also left to go to Rome to try and convince the emperor that he should become King and not his brother Archelaus because according to Herod’s second will, he was supposed to be appointed successor to the throne. In addition to Antipas and Archelaus heading to Rome, there were other family members who also went to Rome to express a strong desire to the emperor to not appoint Archelaus as King. All these people showed up in Rome and Caesar Augustus had to figure out who would be the next king. Caesar Augustus listened to both sides, but he did not want to make an immediate decision, so he dismissed everyone without issuing a final judgment. After several months of waiting, an embassy from the Jews arrived in Rome with the purpose of going before Augustus and trying to convince him of not appointing Archelaus or Antipas as king. Again, if we go back to Jesus’ parable, this is one of the things that happened to this “man of noble birth” (Luke 19:14). Also, around the same time the Jewish embassy arrived in Rome, King Herod’s third son, Philip, arrived in Rome to support Archelaus’ claims to be the next king. Finally, after a few days hearing from all sides, Caesar Augustus makes his decision. Archelaus receives the title of ethnarch, not king, and rules over the territories of Judea, Samaria, and Idumea. Antipas receives the title of tetrarch and rules over the territories of Galilee and Perea. Philip, the third brother, also receives the title of tetrarch and rules over the districts of Batanea, Trachonitis, Auranitis. King Herod’s territory was divided into three territories with one of his sons ruling each territory. When we understand this history, we now can understand the parable of the ten minas better. This is what Jesus’ audience already knew. So, when Jesus starts the parable, they immediately would have thought about these historical events. And just as the sons of Herod had to go to Rome to become king, Jesus is going to leave as well. He then will return and will judge. Those who put their faith and trust in him will be judged by their faithfulness. Jesus will call believers to Himself and say, “what have you been doing while I have been away.” Those who have not put their faith and trust in Him will be destroyed just as those who did not want this “noble man” in Jesus’ parable to be king (Luke 19:27). Are we being good servants while our King, Jesus, is away?

Sunday, January 5, 2025

Fr. Raymond Brown’s fatal differences between early Matthew and Luke

“Brown sees these differences as fatal to the possible harmony of the two accounts, stating that they are irreconcilable at several points”. Ian Paul Theologian Ian Paul provides a sensible perspective regarding the Infancy Narratives of Matthew and Luke in contrast to Fr. Raymond Brown’s messing with the Messiah: https://www.psephizo.com/biblical-studies/myth-and-history-in-the-epiphany-of-matthew-2/ Myth and history in the Epiphany of Matthew 2 December 29, 2021 by Ian Paul ________________________________________ …. ________________________________________ The Feast of the Epiphany in the church’s liturgical calendar is based on the events of Matt 2.1–12, the visit of the ‘wise men’ from the East to the infant Jesus. There are plenty of things about the story which might make us instinctively treat it as just another part of the constellation of Christmas traditions, which does not have very much connection with reality—and these questions are raised each year at this feast. The first is the sparseness of the story. As with other parts of the gospels, the details are given to us in bare outline compared with what we are used to in modern literature. We are told little of the historical reality that might interest us, and the temptation is to fill in details for ourselves. This leads to the second issue—the development of sometimes quite elaborate traditions which do the work of filling in for us. So these ‘magoi’ (which gives us our word ‘magic’) became ‘three’ (because of the number of their gifts), then ‘wise men’ and then ‘kings’ (probably under the influence of Ps 72.10. By the time of this Roman mosaic from the church in Ravenna built in 547, they have even acquired names. Christopher Howse comments: [T]hink how deeply these three men have entered our imagination as part of the Christmas story. “A cold coming they had of it at this time of the year, just the worst time of the year to take a journey, and specially a long journey, in. The ways deep, the weather sharp, the days short, the sun farthest off, in solstitio brumali, the very dead of winter.” Those words, in a tremendous sermon by Lancelot Andrewes that King James I heard on Christmas Day 1622, were brilliantly stolen by TS Eliot and incorporated into his poem The Journey of the Magi. And we can see it all: the camels’ breath steaming in the night air as the kings, in their gorgeous robes of silk and cloth-of-gold and clutching their precious gifts, kneel to adore the baby in the manger. Yet, that is not entirely what the Gospel says… But for any careful readers of the gospels, there is a third question: how does the visit of the magi fit in with the overall birth narrative, and in particular can Matthew’s account be reconciled with Luke’s? Andreas Köstenberger and Alexander Stewart address this question in The First Days of Jesus pp 164–167, in dialogue with Raymond Brown’s The Birth of the Messiah (1993). Brown notes the points that Matthew and Luke share in common: 1. The parents are named as Mary and Joseph, who are legally engaged or married but have not yet come to live together or have sexual relations (Matt 1.18, Luke 1.27, 34) 2. Joseph is of Davidic descent (Matt 1.16, 20, Luke 1.27, 32, 2.4) 3. An angel announces the forthcoming birth of the child (Matt 1.20–23 Luke 1.30–35) 4. The conception of the child is not through intercourse with her husband (Matt 1.20, 23, 25, Luke 1.34) 5. The conception is through the Holy Spirit (Matt 1.18, 20, Luke 1.35) 6. The angel directs them to name the child Jesus (Matt 1.21, Luke 2.11) 7. An angel states that Jesus is to be Saviour (Matt 1.21, Luke 2.11) 8. The birth of the child takes place after the parents have come to live together (Matt 1.24–25, Luke 2.5–6) 9. The birth takes place in Bethlehem (Matt 2.1, Luke 2.4–6). This is a surprisingly long list, and Brown’s careful examination produces a longer list of points of agreement than is usual noted. But even a cursory reading highlights the differences, not just in style and concern in the narrative, but in material content. Luke includes the angelic announcements to Zechariah and Mary, Mary’s visit to Elizabeth and the ‘Magnificat’, the birth of John the Baptist, Zechariah’s song (the ‘Benedictus’), the journey from Nazareth to Bethlehem, Jesus being laid in the food-trough, the lack of space in the guest room, the angelic announcement to the shepherds, and the presentation in the temple with Simeon and Anna—all omitted from Matthew. On the other hand, Matthew includes the visit of the magi, Herod’s plot, the escape to Egypt, the slaughter of the ‘innocents’, and Joseph’s decision about where to settle—all omitted from Luke. As Richard Bauckham notes, Luke’s is a largely ‘gynocentric’ narrative, focussing on the experiences, decisions and faithfulness of the women, whilst Matthew’s is largely an ‘androcentric’ narrative, focussing much more on the roles, decisions and actions of the men involved. Brown sees these differences as fatal to the possible harmony of the two accounts, stating that they are irreconcilable at several points. But Köstenberger and Stewart disagree: Nothing that Matthew says actually contradicts Luke’s account about Mary and Joseph being in Nazareth prior to the birth. Matthew is silent on the matter…[which] simply indicates his ignorance of or lack of interest in these details for the purpose of his narrative…Narrators commonly compress time and omit details (either from ignorance or conscious choice). Luke’s reference to the family’s return to Nazareth after the presentation of the temple does not contradict the events recorded in Matthew 2; he just doesn’t comment on them. Again, silence does not equal contradiction (pp 166–167). Luke’s conclusion, in Luke 2.39, is sometimes seen as creating a difficulty; the most natural way to read the English ‘When Joseph and Mary had done everything required by the Law of the Lord, they returned to Galilee to their own town of Nazareth’ (TNIV) is as a temporal marker, suggesting an immediate return. But the Greek phrase kai hos can have a range of meanings; the emphasis for Luke here is that, since they had done everything, they were able to leave, contributing to Luke’s consistent theme throughout the early chapters that Joseph and Mary, along with other characters in the story, are obedient, Torah-observant, pious Jews. What is interesting here is that we have two quite different accounts, working from different sources, with different aims—and yet in agreement on all the main details. Normally in scholarly discussion, this double testimony would be counted as evidence of reliability and historicity, rather than a contradiction to it. ________________________________________ In response to this, critical scholarship has moved in the other direction, and by and large has pulled apart Matthew’s story and confidently decided that none of it actually happened—in part because of the supposed contradictions with Luke, but in even larger part because of Matthew’s use of Old Testament citations. Thus it is read as having been constructed by Matthew out of a series of OT texts in order to tell us the real significance of Jesus. So Marcus Borg and Dominic Crossan, in The First Christmas: what the gospels really teach about Jesus’ birth, come to this conclusion: In our judgement, there was no special star, no wise men and no plot by Herod to kill Jesus. So is the story factually true? No. But as a parable, is it true? For us as Christians, the answer is a robust affirmative. Is Jesus light shining in the darkness? Yes. Do the Herods of this world seek to extinguish the light? Yes. Does Jesus still shine in the darkness? Yes (p 184). The approach presents problems of its own. For one, the stories are not presented as parables, but in continuity with the events Matthew relates in Jesus’ life later in the gospel. For another, if God in Jesus did not outwit Herod, on what grounds might we think he can outwit ‘the Herods of this world’? More fundamentally, Matthew and his first readers appeared to believe that the claims about Jesus were ‘parabolically true’ because these things actually happened. If none of them did, what grounds do we now have? Even if the events we read about are heavily interpreted, there is an irreducible facticity in testimony; if this has gone, we ought to question the value of the testimony itself. ________________________________________ A good working example of this approach is found in Paul Davidson’s blog. Davidson is a professional translator, rather than a biblical studies academic, but he offers a good outline of what critical scholarship has to say about Matthew’s nativity. His basic assumption is that Matthew is a ‘multi-layered’ document—Matthew is writing from the basis of other, differing sources. He takes over large parts of Mark’s gospel, as does Luke, and Matthew and Luke never agree in contradiction to Mark, a key piece of the argument of ‘Marcan priority’, that Mark was earlier than either of the other two. Whether or not you believe in the existence of the so-called Q, another early written source (and with Mark Goodacre, I don’t), Matthew is clearly dealing with some pre-existing material, oral or written. It is striking, for example, that Joseph is a central character in Matthew’s account before and after the story of the magi, and is the key actor in contrast to Luke’s nativity, where the women are central. Yet in this section (Matt 2.1–12) the focus is on ‘the child’ or ‘the child and his mother Mary’ (Matt 2.9, 2.11; see also Matt 2.14, 20 and 21). Some scholars therefore argue that this story comes from a different source, and so might be unhistorical. This is where we need to start being critical of criticism. Handling texts in this way requires the making of some bold assumptions, not least that of author invariants. If a change of style indicates a change of source, then this can only be seen if the writer is absolutely consistent in his (or her) own writing, and fails to make the source material his or her own. In other words, we … need to be a lot smarter than the writer him- or herself. Even a basic appreciation of writing suggests that authors are just not that consistent. Davidson goes on in his exploration to explain the story of the star in terms of OT source texts. The basis for the star and the magi comes from Numbers 22–24, a story in which Balaam, a soothsayer from the east (and a magus in Jewish tradition) foretells the coming of a great ruler “out of Jacob”. Significantly, the Greek version of this passage has messianic overtones, as it replaces “sceptre” in 24:17 with “man.” He is quite right to identify the connections here; any good commentary will point out these allusions, and it would be surprising if Matthew, writing what most would regard as a ‘Jewish’ gospel, was not aware of this. But if he is using these texts as a ‘source’, he is not doing a very good job. The star points to Jesus, but Jesus is not described as a ‘star’, and no gospels make use of this as a title. In fact, this is the only place where the word ‘star’ occurs in the gospel. (It does occur as a title in Rev 22.16, and possibly in 2 Peter 1.19, but neither text makes any connection with this passage.) ________________________________________ Next, Davidson looks at the citation in Matt 2.5–6, which for many critical scholars provides the rationale for a passage explaining that Jesus was born in Bethlehem when he is otherwise universally known as ‘Jesus of Nazareth’ (19 times in all four gospels and Acts). But, as Davidson points out, Matthew has to work hard to get these texts to help him. For one, he has to bolt together two texts which are otherwise completely unconnected, from Micah 5.2 and 2 Sam 5.2. Secondly, he has to change the text of Micah 5.2 so that: • Bethlehem, the ‘least’ of the cities of Judah, now becomes ‘by no means the least’; • the well-known epithet ‘Ephrathah’ becomes ‘Judah’ to make the geography clear; and • the ‘clans’ becomes ‘clan leader’ i.e. ‘ruler’ to make the text relevant. Moreover, Matthew is making use of a text which was not known as ‘messianic’; in the first century, the idea that messiah had to come from Bethlehem as a son of David was known but not very widespread. All this is rather bad news for those who would argue that Jesus’ birth was carefully planned to be a literal fulfilment of OT prophecy. But it is equally bad news for those who argue that Matthew made the story up to fit such texts, and for exactly the same reason. Of course, Matthew is working in a context where midrashic reading of texts means that they are a good deal more flexible than we would consider them. But he is needing to make maximum use of this flexibility, and the logical conclusion of this would be that he was constrained by the other sources he is using—by the account he has of what actually happened. ________________________________________ Davidson now turns to consider the magi and the star. He notes a certain coherence up to the point where the magi arrive in Jerusalem. So far, the story makes logical sense despite its theological problems (e.g. the fact that it encourages people to believe in the “deceptive science of astrology”, as Strauss noted). The star is just that: a star. Then everything changes. The star is transformed into an atmospheric light that guides the magi right from Jerusalem to Bethlehem, where it hovers over a single house—the one where the child is. We are no longer dealing with a distant celestial body, but something else entirely, like a pixie or will-o’-the-wisp. Mackey’s comment: But see e.g. my article: The Magi and the Star that Stopped: (5) The Magi and the Star that Stopped Ian Paul continues: Here again critical assumptions need some critical reflection. Matthew’s inclusion of magi is theologically very problematic indeed. Simon Magus and Elymas (Acts 8.9, 13.8) hardly get a good press, not surprising in light of OT prohibitions on sorcery, magic and astrology. Western romanticism has embraced the Epiphany as a suggestive mystery, but earlier readings (like that of Irenaeus) saw the point as the humiliation of paganism; the giving of the gifts was an act of submission and capitulation to a greater power. For Matthew the Jew, they are an unlikely and risky feature to include, especially when Jesus is clear he has come to the ‘lost sheep of the house of Israel’ (Matt 10.6, 15.24). There have been many attempts to explain the appearance of the star scientifically. …. And any naturalistic explanations miss Matthew’s central point: this was something miraculous provided by God. If you don’t think the miraculous is possible, you are bound to disbelieve Matthew’s story—but on the basis of your own assumptions, not on any criteria of historical reliability or the nature of Matthew’s text. Davidson cites the 19th-century rationalist critic David Friedrich Strauss in his objection to the plausibility of Herod’s action: With regard to Herod’s instructions to report back to him, Strauss notes that surely the magi would have seen through his plan at once. There were also less clumsy methods Herod might have used to find out where the child was; why did he not, for example, send companions along with the magi to Bethlehem? In fact, we know from Josephus that Herod had a fondness for using secret spies. And in terms of the story, the magi are unaware of Herod’s motives; we are deploying our prior knowledge of the outcome to decide what we think Herod ought to have done, which is hardly a good basis for questioning Matthew’s credibility. ________________________________________ Finally, we come to the arrival of the magi at the home of the family. Interestingly, Matthew talks of their ‘house’ (Matt 2.11) which supports the idea that Jesus was not born in a stable—though from the age of children Herod has executed (less than two years) we should think of the magi arriving some time after the birth. Mackey’s comment: But see e.g. my article: Magi were not necessarily astronomers or astrologers (5) Magi were not necessarily astronomers or astrologers Ian Paul continues: No shepherds and magi together here! (It is worth noting, though, that forming a ‘tableau’ of different elements of a narrative, all compressed together, is a common feature of artistic depictions of stories. We just need to be aware of what is going in here in the compression of narrative time.) Davidson again sees (with critical scholars) this event constructed from OT texts: According to Brown, Goulder (2004), and others, the Old Testament provided the inspiration for the gifts of the magi. This passage is an implicit citation of Isaiah 60.3, 6 and Psalm 72.10, 15, which describe the bringing of gifts in homage to the king, God’s royal son. But again, the problem here is that Matthew’s account just doesn’t fit very well. Given that these OT texts uniformly mention kings, not magi, if Matthew was constructing his account from these, why choose the embarrassing astrologers? And why three gifts rather than two? Where has the myrrh come from? Again, it is Irenaeus who first interprets the gifts as indicators of kingship, priesthood and sacrificial death respectively, but Matthew does not appear to do so. In the narrative, they are simply extravagant gifts fit for the true ‘king of the Jews’. Subsequent tradition has to do the work that Matthew has here failed to do, and make the story fit the prophecies rather better than Matthew has managed to. Davidson closes his analysis of this section with a final observation from Strauss: If the magi can receive divine guidance in dreams, why are they not told in a dream to avoid Jerusalem and go straight to Bethlehem in the first place? Many innocent lives would have been saved that way. Clearly, God could have done a much better job of the whole business. But it rather appears as though Matthew felt unable to improve on what happened by fitting it either to the OT texts or his sense of what ought to have happened. The modern reader might struggle with aspects of Matthew’s story. But it seems to me you can only dismiss it by making a large number of other, unwarranted assumptions. ….

Friday, January 3, 2025

God’s weakness will always be stronger than human strength

by Damien F. Mackey “God’s foolishness will always be wiser than mere human wisdom, and God's weakness will always be stronger than mere human strength”. 1 Corinthians 1:25 The holy men and women of Israel held fast to a dictum that helped them to remain steadfast. It was this: Do not forget the works of the Lord. They had heard of - and some had witnessed - the marvellous works of the Lord. Yet oftentimes, in periods of crisis, it might seem to them that God was no longer acting like God. The enemy appeared to have the upper hand, prayers were going unheard. It seemed like God had finally lost control. Even worse than the gross injustice of failing to recall the mighty deeds of the Lord, from Creation all the way through to his terrifying manifestations at Fatima, Portugal, in 1917 (1925-1929), is for humanity to forget about God altogether. The prophetic Russian author and Soviet dissident, Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn, rightly attributed the troubles that befell the world in the C20th to the fact that: “Men have forgotten God; that’s why all this has happened”: Solzhenitsyn (3) "Men have forgotten God; that’s why all this has happened": Solzhenitsyn | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu And it is precisely why “all this” still continues to happen in 2025. Will we ever learn? Grappling with the fact that the all-powerful God might cease to show mercy to his people greatly “troubled” the Psalmist who wisely “remembered the works of the Lord” (77:4-11 Douay; 78): I was troubled, and I spoke not. I thought upon the days of old: and I had in my mind the eternal years. And I meditated in the night with my own heart: and I was exercised and I swept my spirit. Will God then cast off for ever? or will he never be more favourable again? Or will he cut off his mercy for ever, from generation to generation? Or will God forget to shew mercy? or will he in his anger shut up his mercies? And I said, Now have I begun: this is the change of the right hand of the most High. I remembered the works of the Lord: for I will be mindful of thy wonders from the beginning. Perhaps no one more so than the prophet Job, a “righteous” man, wondered and grappled in his great affliction why the good got belted while the wicked appeared to sail through life (Job 21:5-9): Look at me and be appalled; clap your hand over your mouth. When I think about this, I am terrified; trembling seizes my body. Why do the wicked live on, growing old and increasing in power? They see their children established around them, their offspring before their eyes. Their homes are safe and free from fear; the rod of God is not on them. Basically, we are talking about the perennial Problem of Evil that has been a stumbling block preventing so many from turning to God. We often hear it uttered: If God is so good and all-powerful how come there is so much evil and suffering in the world? Again Job, now in his guise as the prophet Habakkuk (see): Magi were not necessarily astronomers or astrologers (3) Magi were not necessarily astronomers or astrologers | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu wonders why God no longer seems to be acting like God: https://bibleproject.com/explore/video/habakkuk/#:~:text=This%20is%20a%20central%20question,with%20evil%20in%20every%20generation. Is God really good if the world is so unjust? This is a central question the prophet Habakkuk wrestles with. He calls out to God asking him to deal with human evil, but he is angry when God doesn’t deal with unjust nations in the way that Habakkuk thinks he should. God reminds the prophet that God will deal with evil in every generation. We can continue to trust his timing and plan as we remain faithful to him. God Hears Our Lament Unlike other prophetic books that offer warnings of judgment against corrupt nations, the book of Habakkuk is a compilation of the prophet's laments. Habakkuk questions God's goodness because he sees so much injustice, evil, and tragedy in the world. See how Habakkuk brings his concern, and even anger, before God in his desire to see Israel restored and human evil defeated. Habakkuk had not forgotten what God was capable of doing on behalf of Israel. For he remembered the mighty works of the Lord: the Exodus, the manifestations at Sinai, and the Joshuan Miracle of the Sun. He begs the Lord to do the same again in his day (Habakkuk 3:2-15): Lord, I have heard of your fame; I stand in awe of your deeds, Lord. Repeat them in our day, in our time make them known; in wrath remember mercy. God came from Teman, the Holy One from Mount Paran. His glory covered the heavens and his praise filled the earth. His splendor was like the sunrise; rays flashed from his hand, where his power was hidden. Plague went before him; pestilence followed his steps. He stood, and shook the earth; he looked, and made the nations tremble. The ancient mountains crumbled and the age-old hills collapsed— but he marches on forever. I saw the tents of Cushan in distress, the dwellings of Midian in anguish. Were you angry with the rivers, Lord? Was your wrath against the streams? Did you rage against the sea when you rode your horses and your chariots to victory? You uncovered your bow, you called for many arrows. You split the earth with rivers; the mountains saw you and writhed. Torrents of water swept by; the deep roared and lifted its waves on high. Sun and moon stood still in the heavens at the glint of your flying arrows, at the lightning of your flashing spear. In wrath you strode through the earth and in anger you threshed the nations. You came out to deliver your people, to save your anointed one. You crushed the leader of the land of wickedness, you stripped him from head to foot. With his own spear you pierced his head when his warriors stormed out to scatter us, gloating as though about to devour the wretched who were in hiding. You trampled the sea with your horses, churning the great waters. Magnificent stuff! But even when God does not appear to be doing any mighty deeds, and may seem even to have lost control, like the terrible Crucifixion incident, He is totally in control, manipulating nations to his own ends and purposes while these imagine that it is their power that controls cosmic events (cf. Isaiah 10:5-34). As pope Francis has encouragingly noted: Even in times of darkness, God is there (2) Even in times of darkness, God is there “Having faith means, in the midst of the storm, keeping your heart turned to God, to his love, to his tenderness as a Father. Jesus wanted to teach this to Peter and his disciples, and also to us today, in moments of darkness, moments of storms”. Speaking from a window overlooking St. Peter’s Square, he said “even before we begin to seek Him, He is present beside us lifting us back up after our falls, He helps us grow in faith.” “Perhaps we, in the dark, cry out: ‘Lord! Lord!’ thinking that he is far away. And He says: ‘I’m here!’ Ah, he was with me!” Pope Francis continued. “God knows well that our faith is poor and that our path can be troubled, blocked by adverse forces. But He is the Risen One, do not forget this, the Lord who went through death to bring us to safety.”