Thursday, September 25, 2025

Literal Interpretation of Saint John’s Revelation

by Damien F. Mackey Whereas Fr. Kramer tumbled out, like far flung dice, the events that the Evangelist described, spinning them right down through the centuries, even to our own time, St. John - as we read in his introductory quote - was clearly talking about an early fulfilment of the events that Jesus Christ had revealed to him. The great soaring Eagle, St. John the Evangelist, introduced the Book of Revelation (1:1) in this fashion: This is the Revelation given by God to Jesus Christ so that He could tell His servants about the things which are now to take place very soon; He sent His angel to make it known to His servant John, and John has written down everything he saw and swears it is the word of God guaranteed by Jesus Christ. Happy the man who reads this prophecy, and happy those who listen to him, if they treasure all that it says, because the Time is close. Now if Plato (whoever he really was) were correct in the observation he made in his Republic that: “The beginning is the most important part of the work”, then this passage of Revelation will be deserving of our closest attention. Introduction In an ideal world one would not need to make any significant future amendments to a book one had once written. But one would also be very foolish - and not a genuine lover of truth - not to do so if, in retrospect, it became apparent that such amendment was needed. Whilst prevention is better than cure, not to cure when circumstances demand it could be obstinate folly. In the 1980’s I wrote an article on The Five First Saturdays (the popular name for the Communion of Reparation asked for by Our Lady of the Rosary at Fatima on 13 July, 1917) in which article - for the parts pertaining to the Apocalypse - I fairly uncritically followed Fr. Herman B. Kramer’s captivating The Book of Destiny (Tan, 1975). By 1994 this Marian article had become a published book, with no changes at all to my acceptance of Fr. Kramer’s interpretation of the Apocalypse, according to which he had quite ingeniously linked each chapter literally to an important era of Christian history. For instance, Revelation chapters 8 and 9 Fr. Kramer would align with, respectively, the Great Western Schism (C14th-15th AD) and the Protestant Reformation (C16th AD). Perhaps Fr. Kramer’s lynchpin for all this was his identifying of the Eagle, or angel of judgment, of Revelation 8:13, or 14:6, with St. Vincent Ferrer, OP. (ibid., pp. 208-9): By a wonderful co-incidence a great saint appears at this stage [the Western Schism] in the history of the Church. His eminence and influence procured for him the distinction of an eagle flying through mid-heaven. This was the Dominican priest, St. Vincent Ferrer. When in 1398 he lay at death’s door with fever, our Lord, St. Francis and St. Dominic appeared to him, miraculously cured him of his fever and commissioned him to preach penance and prepare men for the coming judgments. Preaching in the open space in San Esteban on October 3, 1408 he solemnly declared that he was the angel of the judgment spoken of by St. John in the Apocalypse. The body of a woman was just being carried to St. Paul’s church nearby for burial. St. Vincent ordered the bearers to bring the corpse before him. He adjured the dead to testify whether his claim was true or not. The dead woman came to life and in the hearing of all bore witness to the truth of the saint’s claim and then slept again in death (Fr. Stanislaus Hogan O.P.). Just as this, St. Vincent Ferrer’s extraordinary miracle, had convinced the Dominican Fathers, his superiors, that he was correct in his claim to be the angel of Apocalypse, so was it all the proof that I needed back in the 1980’s to accept Fr. Kramer’s opinion that Revelation 8 (which includes reference to a warning angel) was fixed to the very time of St. Vincent Ferrer. And so I, quite content with the way Apocalypse had been incorporated into The Five First Saturdays book - now up-dated as: The Five First Saturdays of Our Lady of Fatima https://www.academia.edu/3731625/The_Five_First_Saturdays_of_Our_Lady_of_Fatima - moved on to consider other things relevant to that book, for example (in regard to the many similarities found between the Book of Esther and the Fatima events) to locate the precise era of Queen Esther, her uncle Mordecai, and their foe Haman. This was in order to provide a solid historical foundation to the whole Esther saga. Instead of my puzzling overmuch anymore about who, or what, might be the seven-headed Beast of Revelation 13:1, I became preoccupied now with trying to discover who in history was “Haman ... the persecutor of the Jews” (3:10); that most ambitious and cruel character in Esther who, Hitler-like, had singlemindedly set about to exterminate the entire Jewish race, but was thwarted at the eleventh hour by Queen Esther and Mordecai. See now, e.g.: Haman Un-Masked (5) Haman un-masked I know that many today will regard all this as quite ridiculous, a complete waste of time. They will insist that one will never succeed in identifying the historical era for Queen Esther because she never actually existed, never sat on the Persian throne at Susa, was only a character of fiction. But my own research has revealed a different trend, as in the case of the Book of Judith - which contemporary exegetes likewise refer to as “historical fiction”. After years of research into the Book of Judith I am convinced, from a detailed comparison of Judith with the neo-Assyrian records, that the story about this Jewish heroine fits snugly into the era of King Hezekiah of Jerusalem, when King Sennacherib of Assyria invaded his kingdom in c.700 BC. Judith is indeed real history. See e.g. my article: And the Assyrian will fall ‘by the hand of a woman’ https://www.academia.edu/44521678/And_the_Assyrian_will_fall_by_the_hand_of_a_woman Providentially, I was invited in the year of 1999 to write a postgraduate thesis on this very same era, that of King Hezekiah. And I am equally convinced that Esther is true history; though, as with Judith, it has taken some time and intellectual effort to demonstrate this. See, now, my article: Real historical characters in the Book of Esther (5) Real historical characters in the Book of Esther I made real progress with Judith only when I put aside peripheral details to track down the main incident: the defeat of the massive Assyrian army. The Book of Revelation Despite the superficial ingenuity of Fr. Kramer’s interpretation, it does not - on closer scrutiny - match itself appropriately to St. John’s own words. Whereas Fr. Kramer tumbled out, like far flung dice, the events that the Evangelist described, spinning them right down through the centuries, even to our own time, St. John - as we read in his introductory quote above - was clearly talking about an early fulfilment of the events that Jesus Christ had revealed to him. See also my article: Theme of Apocalypse – the Bride and the Reject (5) Theme of Apocalypse – the Bride and the Reject As noted in that article, I am greatly indebted to the insights of Dr. Kenneth L. Gentry on this subject. There is a pronounced dichotomy here between the standard interpretations of Revelation and the actual words of the author. St. John said emphatically that these events were to happen “soon”; that is, soon for St. John’s era and generation of the C1st AD. That St. John meant that soon-ness literally (indeed he repeats it in various ways) is going to become more and more obvious in the course of this article. Thus a literal fulfilment of Revelation 8 in St. Vincent Ferrer’s time, almost a millennium and a half after St. John, as Fr. Kramer had proposed, would not seem to be at all compatible with St. John’s “soon”. This does not at all shake St. Vincent’s testimony. The bull of canonization compares him to an “angel flying through mid-heaven”. The breviary uses similar language. St. Vincent could have been the apocalyptical angel of judgment in the sense that Our Lord said of St. John the Baptist that “... he, if you will believe Me, is the Elijah who was to return” (Matthew 11:14); even though St. John the Baptist had point blank told the priests and Levites who asked him, ‘Are you Elijah?’ ... ‘I am not’ (John 1:21). The Baptist ‘was’ Elijah in the sense that he came “in the spirit and power of Elijah” (Luke 1:17). Though, see my article: Saint Vincent Ferrer channelling Apostle John the Evangelist? (6) Saint Vincent Ferrer channelling Apostle John the Evangelist? Types God has apparently created ‘types’; a classical example being the one that we have just looked at of St. John the Baptist being an Elijah type. According to Pope Pius XI, St. Thomas Aquinas is somewhat reminiscent of the Old Testament patriarch Joseph, saviour of Egypt. See my: Joseph of Egypt and St. Thomas Aquinas https://www.academia.edu/24415679/Joseph_of_Egypt_and_St._Thomas_Aquinas That Pope hinted at this in his encyclical, “Studiorum Ducem” (29 June, 1923), when he wrote: Accordingly, just as it was said to the Egyptians of old in time of famine: Go to Joseph, so that they should receive a supply of corn from him to nourish their bodies, so We now say to all such as are desirous of the truth: Go to Thomas, and ask him to give you from his ample store the food of substantial doctrine wherewith to nourish your souls unto eternal life. This passage became the inspiration for me to write an earlier article, “Go To Thomas”, leading me to discover various unexpected but striking parallels between the lives of St. Thomas and Joseph. And the intuitive reader will be able to discern many others types as well of holy men and women down through the ages. Now St. Vincent Ferrer could likewise, as with the Baptist, have come so much “in the spirit and power of” a holy predecessor (angel or human) as to be identifiable with, yet not literally, that predecessor. As we are going to see, St. Vincent certainly shared a common vocation with St. John the Evangelist inasmuch as he foretold a pending judgment that he insisted would occur soon. Moreover, his soon-ness has been just as misunderstood and misinterpreted as has the Evangelist’s. In St. Vincent’s case, the matter of typology is further complicated by the difficulty of deciding whether his type is the Eagle/angel of Revelation 8 or Revelation 14; a difficulty that Fr. Kramer obviously has at least - just as he also seems to stumble over the fact that the Dominican saint was, like the Evangelist, utterly convinced that the judgments he foretold were to be fulfilled very soon (op. cit., p. 209): The above testimony [of the miracle] is accepted by all biographers of St. Vincent as a proof of his claim. But they make his reference to the Apocalypse indicate chapter XIV. 6, for they say he often chose it as his text, ‘Fear God, and give Him honor, for the day of His judgment is at hand’. They do not prove that he pronounced himself that particular angel. And he seems to have had only the general revelation that he was appointed “the angel of the judgment”. By designating him the angel of chapter XIV.6, the commentators run into inexplicable difficulties. For St. Vincent emphatically and repeatedly asserted that the day of Wrath was to come “soon, very soon, within a short time”, cito, bene cito et valde breviter. St. John announced that the judgment was to come very quickly (Apoc. III. II), which meant that it would begin to operate soon. Since St. Vincent uttered these prophecies, five centuries have elapsed, and the end of the world and last judgment have not come. Some try to explain it by saying that the saint meant the particular judgment; but that is meaningless. Others contend that he predicted the approach of the last judgment conditionally, as Jonas predicted the destruction of Nineveh .... But these are all conjectures of biographers. St. Vincent did not aver that he was the angel of chapter XIV. or that the General Judgment was very near. Fr. Kramer, after writing at some length in this rather tortuous vein, goes on to wonder whether St. Vincent might not have been entirely correct about his own apocalyptical identification, because he certainly estimated wrongly in another major matter (ibid., p. 211): Now that St. Vincent himself might have been mistaken about the place assigned to him in the apocalyptic prophecies need not appear strange. He adhered to the anti-pope, Benedict XIII, and sincerely believed him to be the legitimate pontiff. This was a matter in which his human judgment gave the decision. And this judgment can easily err. So also, since it was not explicitly revealed to him what angel of the Apocalypse he was, he may have drawn the mistaken conclusion that it was the one of chapter XIV. 6. However, it has not been proven that he claimed to be that angel or even thought he was. This latter angel has the commission to preach to EVERY “nation and tribe, and tongue, and people”. St. Vincent, even though his fame spread over it all, so that he was like “one flying through mid-heaven”, personally reached only a small part of Christendom. Fr. Kramer’s entanglements here only reinforce me in my decision to consider St. Vincent as, at best, an apocalyptical type only. Confusion is exacerbated by failure to recognise that the judgment about which St. John was referring was intended for that generation (c. 30-70 AD), culminating in the destruction of Jerusalem (70 AD), and that it equates with the “coming” that Our Lord and the Apostles frequently referred to in regard to the generation that had crucified Him: a “coming” in judgment. Not to recognise this is to make a mockery of Our Lord’s clear words and of other New Testament prophecies. It also takes away the concreteness intended by Our Lord. When, prior to his Passion, He had placed before Him by “some people” the examples of (i) those slain by Pilate’s Roman troops, and (ii) others killed by a falling tower, He had insisted: ‘Unless you do penance you will all perish as they did [that is, by a violent death]’ (Luke 13:1-5). Whilst this statement is also open to spiritual interpretation, it should immediately be understood in the concrete sense, that this is exactly what was going to happen physically to that generation of Jews if they did not have a change of heart within the allotted period of mercy. At the end of the 40 years of probation thousands upon thousands of Jews did die violent deaths at the hands of the Roman troops, with towers likewise falling upon them, as well as missiles, stones and fire. The same sort of warnings applied apparently to St. Vincent Ferrer’s generation. And they apply also to ours. The Vatican II era has been an era of Divine mercy extended to a wicked generation; but it also portends an Advent, or Coming of Christ. Will the early Third Millennium witness the emergence of a new apocalyptical ‘angel’ to proclaim ‘cito, bene cito et valde breviter’? The increasingly intensive force of the disasters that daily assail our planet, as we read about or sometimes even experience, seems to presage a final terrible culmination. One has only to tune in to a news report on any given day to hear a litany of fresh disasters and tragedies. Nerves of steel are needed nowadays, seemingly, to watch or listen to the news; a situation that was humorously summed up some years ago in Skyhooks’ song about the “Horror movie” that is “the 6.30 news: The planes are a-crashing, The cars are a-smashing, The cops are a-bashing, Oh, yeah .... The kids are a-fighting, The fires are a-lighting, The dogs are a-biting, Oh, yeah”. Jesus Christ came to bring us ‘Good News’. But, because the world has largely rejected His Gospel, it now finds itself having to exist on a daily diet of Bad News. Apocalypse Now, or Then? Biblical commentators can have a tendency to take ancient incidents and predictions and to re-invent them, even in their most literal sense, as, now, C21st AD situations. The question is, should their “Apocalypse Now” really be seen as “Apocalypse Then”? Lack of Urgency Fr. Kramer’s whole argument for a late fulfilment of Revelation amounts to a (no doubt unwitting) denial of the urgency, and the concreteness, of Our Lord’s predictions, and those of His disciples. A re-assessment of Fr. Kramer’s commentary is needed in light of St. John’s own words, and this will be the task undertaken here. The conclusions that will be reached in this article are now given, with comments to them following immediately: • St. John wrote Revelation, not in 95 AD - as most commentators (Catholic and non Catholic alike) insist - but prior to the destruction of the City of Jerusalem by the Romans under Titus in 70 AD; • St. John likely wrote Revelation (that we now have in Greek) in a Semitic language - either Hebrew or its sister language, Aramaïc; this being a further argument in favour of early composition; • The events described in Revelation were all literally fulfilled by the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD (though they have a spiritual significance for all times, including our own). 1. Date of Writing 70 AD or 95 AD Commentators base their conclusion of late date of authorship on the crucial testimony of St. Irenæus, Bishop of Lyons, who claimed to have known Polycarp, disciple of St. John. The evidence from Irenæus that is deemed so compelling is found in Book 5 of his Against Heresies (at 5:30:3), at the end of a section in which Irenæus is dealing with the identification of “666” in Revelation 13:18 (emphasis added): We will not, however, incur the risk of pronouncing positively as to the name of Antichrist; for if it were necessary that his name should be distinctly revealed in the present time, it would have been announced by him who had beheld the apocalyptic vision [i.e. St. John the Evangelist]. For that was seen no very long time since, but almost in our day, towards the end of Domitian’s reign. If the conventional date of c. 95 AD for “the end of Domitian’s reign” is correct then it - in conjunction with Irenæus’ testimony - would put paid in one blow to my entire thesis [not however my original idea] that Revelation pre-dates the destruction of Jerusalem by the Romans. In answering this - which answer will necessitate my providing at least an outline for a proposed revision of Roman imperial history - I shall endeavour to show why I think Emperor Domitian is to be dated significantly earlier than 95 AD; a conclusion that would in no way contravene anything that St. Irenæus wrote - for Irenæus never said that the Apocalypse was conceived in 95 AD (a quarter of a century after the destruction of Jerusalem), but merely “towards the end of Domitian’s reign”. Contemporary chronologists are the ones who have fixed Domitian to that approximate date. Firstly I list for the reader the early Roman emperors (with their conventional dates) up to the destruction of Jerusalem. Some commence their list with Julius Cæsar (49-44 BC): 1. Augustus (31 BC-AD 14) 2. Tiberius (AD 14-37) 3. Gaius, also known as Caligula (AD 37-41) 4. Claudius (AD 41-54) 5. Nero (AD 54-68) 6. Galba (AD 68-69) 7. Otho (AD 69) 8. Vitellius (AD 69) 9. Vespasian (AD 69-79) Conventionally, Domitian would be listed a bit further on, c. 95 AD. But I am now going to propose that Domitian might be the same person as Nero. Chronological ‘Folding’ [Some of what follows is from old articles]. I strongly suspect that there has occurred, in the construction of Roman imperial history, the same sort of duplication that revisionists have observed in early Egyptian history. Chronologists, scientists, anthropologists, seem to have a pathological tendency to want to stretch things out. Procrustes in action with his rack. The so-called Stone Ages they stretch out over several million years, in single file, though there is abundant evidence for overlap. Astronomers keep wanting to expand the size of the universe, galaxy upon galaxy, based on the Doppler Effect (or should that be the Doppelgänger Effect?); and to expand the age of the universe by billions of year (give or take a zero). The same extending has been done to ancient history. In my MA thesis, The Sothic Star Theory of the Egyptian Calendar, deemed in some circles of academia to be “irrefutable”, I argued that Egyptian chronology has been artificially stretched on the rack to the tune of 500 years or more. It needs a benign Procrustes to shrink it back to its original size. Dr. D. Courville, in The Exodus Problem and its Ramifications (1971), rightly concluded that Egypt’s Old and Middle kingdoms - conventionally separated the one from the other (at their beginnings) by 700 years - were in actual fact contemporaneous, and not successive. Chronological reality is often like that; more of a ‘pond-ripple effect’, spreading outwards, than an ‘Indian file’ successive extension. In my “Osman’s ‘Osmosis’ of Moses” and “Re-discovering the Egyptianized Moses”, written for The Glozel Newsletter, I built upon Courville’s important re-alignment. What conventional history has cleft in two, artificially separating the parts by 500-700 years, needs to be rejoined together. Pharaoh Khufu (4th dynasty) was, so I reckon, the same as Pharaoh Teti (6th dynasty: That the same sort of folding as with Egypt’s Old and Middle Kingdoms needs to be applied to Roman imperial history - though thankfully not a fold of 700 years, but more like 60 years - will become evident from various testimonies. “Strange Afterglows” One frequently encounters in Egyptology queries over whether some artefact, piece of literature, or even a destructive action, ought to be dated to the Old or Middle Kingdom. This very querying is often a tell-tale sign that folding is required (so that chronologists will no longer be forced into a dispute over a range of estimates incorporating many centuries). Now the same tendency of querying I am finding in historical discussions of Nero and Domitian. Historians puzzle over whether such and such a persecution, or event, occurred during the reign of the one or the other Roman emperor. A tell-tale sign? It can be (though one can also end up with egg on one’s face when the situation is misread). Some commentators, who cannot make up their mind whether St. John the Evangelist was exiled to the island of Patmos during the reign of Nero, or of Domitian, end up by compromising and suggesting that he may have experienced two exiles. One of the first things I decided to do, to test if there might be any possibility of folding with Nero and Domitian was to look at Nero’s other names. Like we, the ancients often had a set of names; and this can be the cause of much confusion and duplication. So is there the chance that Nero was also called Domitian? Even with this new theory in mind, I read over Nero’s four names, without a pause, once I had found them in K. Gentry’s The Beast of Revelation (p. 14). Perhaps I was distracted by Nero’s nickname, Ahenobarbus; a description of his red facial hair. I was only stopped in my tracks a bit further along when I read that a name of Nero’s father was Domitius. I quickly scanned back to Nero’s set of names and saw that, yes, Nero certainly had as one of his names, Domitius, the Roman version of Domitian. He was Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus (Nero Cæsar). This similarity of names in itself is of course no certain proof of identity between Nero and Domitian. (Perhaps a different alter ego may be required). But it, coupled with evidences for an early Apocalypse, and the queries of historians, begins to shape up to some sort of a real picture. Moreover, the current chronology for the life of St. John the Evangelist would have him ending up as an unrealistically sprightly nonagenarian. St. Irenæus wrote (op. cit.) that St. John “continued with the Elders till the times of [the emperor] Trajan”, who came even after Domitian. According to the reckonings of conventional Roman chronology, St. John would have been in his nineties by the time of his dwelling at Ephesus after his return from exile. Yet the activity that he is then said to have undertaken is that of a younger person. Eusebius wholeheartedly endorsed Clement of Alexandria’s account that John not only travelled about the region of Ephesus appointing bishops and reconciling whole churches, but also that while on horseback he chased with all of his might a young man. Unlikely energy (though, admittedly, not impossible) for a person in his nineties. Here are some further examples of the queries historians make between Nero and Domitian: • Despite the strong conviction by some that the emperor worship that they detect in Revelation can be found no earlier than Domitian, others insist that Nero practised it. Nero was particularly infatuated with Apollo, and even claimed the title, “Son of Apollos”. Seneca, one of young Nero’s tutors, convinced Nero that he was destined to become the very revelation of Augustus and Apollo. • Despite unanimity amongst early Fathers that St. John was banished to Patmos in the reign of Domitian, shortly after his being dipped in a cauldron of burning oil, St. Jerome said that this dipping occurred in Nero’s reign (Against Jovinianum 11:26). That total picture would be appropriate if Nero were Domitian. That there is something quite wrong with the conventional chronology, and its application to the Apocalypse, is attested by the evidences in the latter that the Temple of Jerusalem was still standing when St. John wrote his book. But that is not all. The conventional chronology of imperial Rome has also served to throw out of kilter the early history of the Roman Catholic Church that has been chronologically tied to it. Let us take the case of Pope St. Clement I of Rome. Clement, like St. John, is supposed to have written around 90-95 AD, yet he likewise spoke as if the Jerusalem Temple were still standing. Clement’s relevant statement is as follows (I Clement 41): Not in every place, brethren, are the continual daily sacrifices offered, or the freewill offerings, or the sin offerings and the trespass offerings, but in Jerusalem alone. And even there the offering is not made in every place, but before the sanctuary in the court of the altar; and this too through the high-priest and the aforesaid ministers, after that the victim to be offered hath been inspected for blemishes. This statement clearly pre-dates 70 AD. Clement as a writer, therefore, needs to be retro-dated by at least 20 years. That similar anomalies occur with the current chronology of Pope Pius I is shown in some detail by Gentry in Before Jerusalem Fell (pp. 93ff). Added to all this is another strange afterglow about 60 years after the destruction of Jerusalem, with the Emperor Hadrian (conventionally dated to c. 130 AD), putting down a so-called ‘Second’ Jewish Revolt in the Holy Land, and supposedly removing all the stones of the Temple. This, rather than Titus’ destruction of the city, is considered by some to be the more perfect fulfilment of Jesus Christ’s prophecy that ‘... not a single stone here will be left on another; everything will be destroyed’ (Matthew 24:2). But I ask how could the Jews have rallied so mightily, re-populated the area to such an extent, so soon after 70 AD, when their city had been absolutely burned to the ground, and whatever citizens survived were sold into slavery? Might not the Emperor Hadrian himself be a duplicate of an earlier emperor? Here are some articles over which to ponder: Horrible Histories. Retracting Romans (10) Horrible Histories. Retracting Romans Hadrian a reincarnation of Augustus (9) Hadrian a reincarnation of Augustus Rome surprisingly minimal in Bible (10) Rome surprisingly minimal in Bible Was the so-called Domus Aurea of Nero actually a Flavian enterprise? (9) Was the so-called Domus Aurea of Nero actually a Flavian enterprise? Language of the Apocalypse. Are the text books correct about the date of authorship of the Book of Revelation and the original language in which it was written? Greek or Semitic? The text books, in perfect accord with a conventional view of chronology, inform us that St. John wrote the Book of Revelation in tradesmanlike Greek. No mean achievement for one of Jewish ethnicity! Biblical commentators have arrived at the same conclusion about certain other books in the New Testament. But Fr. Jean Carmignac has, in his book The Birth of the Synoptics, shown that the Synoptic Gospels were originally written in Hebrew, or Aramaïc. This leads him to date much of the New Testament significantly earlier than do his colleagues. I fully concur with Fr. Carmignac’s line of research. Now a fortiori in the case of Revelation do the same conclusions as Fr. Carmignac’s need to be drawn: namely, the recognition of a Semitic original, leading to an earlier dating of the book. For even those (by far the majority) who think that St. John wrote his book in Greek are forced to admit - what has long been recognised - that Revelation is one of the more “Jewish” books of the New Testament. “More than any other book in the New Testament, the Apocalypse of John shows a Jewish cast”, wrote G. Kruger in History of Early Christian Literature in the First Three Centuries (p. 35). “Indeed, one of the arguments that historically has been granted the most weight for its early date (as per Westcott and Hort) is that [Revelation’s] language is so intensely Hebraïc in comparison to the Gospel’s smoother Greek”, wrote Kenneth Gentry (Before Jerusalem Fell, p. 209). Torrey and others have gone so far as to suggest an Aramaïc original because of this (ibid.). And, Dr. Gentry again (pp. 239-10): In Charles’s introduction to Revelation, he included a major section entitled “A Short Grammar of the Apocalypse”. Section 10 of this “Grammar” is entitled “the Hebraic Style of the Apocalypse”. There Charles well notes that “while [John] writes in Greek, he thinks in Hebrew”. As Sweet puts it: “The probability is that the writer, thinking in Hebrew or Aramaic, consciously or unconsciously carried over semitic idioms into his Greek, and that his ‘howlers’ are deliberate attempts to reproduce the grammar of classical Hebrew at certain points”. Actually it should likely be viewed the other way around: a translator would have converted St. John’s original semitic version of Apocalypse into Greek. I return to Dr. Gentry: What is more, other names in Revelation are, as a matter of fact, very Hebraic. For instance, the words “Abaddon” (Rev. 9:11) and “Armageddon” (Rev. 16:16) are carefully given [sic] Greek equivalents; “Satan” is said to be “the devil” (Rev. 12:9). Scholars are usually at pains to understand the name of St. John’s 666 “man” (Revelation 13:18) in terms of Greek letters and numbers; a system known as gematria. But, in light of the growing evidence that St. John originally wrote the book in a semitic language, we may also need to take a new approach towards solving this age-old mystery. Literal Sense of Scripture Are the text books correct about the date of authorship of the Book of Revelation and the original language in which it was written? Levels of Scriptural Meaning Literal and Spiritual To kick off this section I had better distinguish immediately for the reader between the literal and spiritual levels of Scripture. The Catechism of the Catholic Church, recalling ancient tradition, nicely sums it all up: The senses of Scripture 115 According to an ancient tradition, one can distinguish between two senses of Scripture: the literal and the spiritual, the latter being subdivided into the allegorical, moral and anagogical senses. The profound concordance of the four senses guarantees all its richness to the living reading of the Scripture in the Church. 116 The literal sense is the meaning conveyed by the words of Scripture and discovered by exegesis, following the rules of sound interpretation: “All other senses of Sacred Scripture are based on the literal”. [St. Thomas, Sth I, 1, 10, ad 1]. 117 The spiritual sense. Thanks to the unity of God’s plan, not only the text of Scripture but also the realties and events about which it speaks can be signs. 1. The allegorical sense. We can acquire a more profound understanding of events by recognizing their significance in Christ; thus the crossing of the Red Sea is a sign or type of Christ’s victory and also of Christian Baptism. [Cf. I Cor. 10:2]. 2. The moral sense. The events reported in Scripture ought to lead us to act justly. As St. Paul says, they were written “for our instruction”. [I Cor. 10:11; cf. Heb. 3-4:11]. 3. The anagogical sense (Greek: anagoge, “leading”). We can view realities and events in terms of their eternal significance, leading us toward our true homeland: thus the Church on earth is a sign of the heavenly Jerusalem. [ Cf. Rev. 21:1-22:5]. 118 A medieval couplet summarizes the significance of the four senses: The Letter speaks of deeds; Allegory to faith; The Moral how to act; Anagogy our destiny. [Lettera gesta docet, quid credas allegoria, moralis quid agas, quo tendas anagogia]. 119 “It is the task of exegetes to work, according to these rules, toward a better understanding and explanation of the meaning of Sacred Scripture in order that their research may help the Church to form a firmer judgment. For, of course, all that has been said about the manner of interpreting Scripture is ultimately subject to the judgment of the Church which exercises the divinely conferred commission and ministry of watching over and interpreting the word of God” [Dei Verbum 12§3]. University professor Mons. George A. Kelly distinguishes more briefly between the literal and spiritual sense [which he calls the “fuller sense”] in The New Biblical Theorists. Raymond E. Brown and Beyond (1983), 13 (highlight emphasis only added): The search for the literal sense, the meaning intended by the human author and therefore what God inspired, is considered to be the first obligation of anyone who would read or study scripture seriously. It is also commonly held that only one literal sense to a text is possible, although the words may seem at times to convey double meanings or subordinate meanings. .... St. Thomas Aquinas is usually cited as a leading Church doctor who knew the importance of discovering the literal sense. Modern scholars insist on this as their first priority. The aspect of Fr. Kramer’s commentary that I had especially found most compelling, initially, was that he did not by-pass the historico-literal level of interpretation. He did not go straight for the spiritual and symbolical level, as some do (even giving a spiritual sense and then calling it literal), but tried to nail the various parts of the Apocalypse to specific historical events. Mons. Kelly now explains the next, and higher, level: The quest for the fuller sense to biblical texts is as old as scripture itself. It is based on the conviction that God intended his Word to be meaningful far beyond the time and place of its original composition. Biblical exegetes from the early Church Fathers onwards have sought these meanings. New Testament authors used Old Testament texts this way, explaining Christ’s birth and passion, for example, through quotations from Isaiah and the Psalms. New Testament exegesis in Matthew and Paul also read Christ’s presence back into Old Testament scenes. Church Fathers made a specialty of searching for proof texts referring to Christ, and of extrapolating the fuller spiritual or allegorical meaning. The first great Christian school of exegesis in Alexandria was allegorically inclined; by contrast, the Antioch school stressed the literal meaning. That there is real unity between these two approaches, literal and spiritual, is apparent from Pope John Paul II’s address to the Pontifical Biblical Commission and Pontifical Biblical Institute (23rd April, 1993), in which he reflects upon the biblical encyclicals of two predecessor Popes - Leo XIII’s “Providentissimus Deus” (18 Nov., 1893) and Pius XII’s “Divino afflante Spiritu” (50 years later). In this address Pope John Paul shows that the Popes are not afraid of the discoveries of science, but are only too willing to incorporate any genuine scientific developments (§5, highlight emphasis added): ... it became necessary [for Leo XIII] to respond to attacks coming from the supporters of the so-called “mystical” exegesis (EB, n.552), who sought to have the Magisterium condemn the efforts of scientific exegesis. How did the Encyclical respond? It could have limited itself to stressing the usefulness and even the necessity of these efforts for defending the faith, which would have favoured a kind of dichotomy between scientific exegesis, intended for external use, and spiritual interpretation, reserved for internal use. But Pope Pius XII did not opt for so restrictive a view: In Divino afflante Spiritu, Pius XII deliberately avoided this approach. On the contrary, he vindicated the close unity of the two approaches, on the one hand emphasizing the “theological” significance of the literal sense, methodically defined (EB, n. 551), and on the other, asserting that, to be recognized as the sense of a biblical text, the spiritual sense must offer proof of its authenticity. A merely subjective inspiration is insufficient. One must be able to show that it is a sense “willed by God himself”, a spiritual meaning “given by God” to the inspired text (EB, nn. 552-553). Determining the spiritual sense then, belongs itself to the realm of exegetical science. Thus we note that, despite the great difference in the difficulties [the two Popes] had to face, the two Encyclicals are in complete agreement at the deepest level. Both of them reject a split between the human and the divine, between the scientific research and respect for the faith, between the literal sense and the spiritual sense. They thus appear to be in perfect harmony with the mystery of the Incarnation. In this article, I am basically interested in the historico-literal, or scientific level of interpreting Revelation, in order - hopefully - to establish a sound historical basis for Revelation. The inspiration of St. Thomas Aquinas (cf. §116 above) had previously helped me with the difficult work of anchoring the literal. It was with his written encouragement that I had worked on the historicity of the Book of Job; for St. Thomas had insisted - against strong criticism of his day - that the holy man, Job, was a real person. When I read this it gave great impetus to the work I was already engaged in, leading to my conclusion, ultimately, that Job was the same as Tobit’s son, Tobias (in his old age); an C8-7th BC character. This long article was eventually published in its entirety, as “Job’s Life and Times”, in the international journal Mentalities/Mentalités. It has since been up-dated in various articles, including one under that same title: Job’s Life and Times (11) Job’s Life and Times This enabled me, as I hope, to have removed a great deal of mystery from the Book of Job, making it possible for a down-to-earth substratum to be laid upon which to interpret the rather enigmatic Dialogue section of the book. It gave the book ‘a body’, so to speak. And that is precisely what I think needs to be done, too, in the case of Revelation. And, indeed. able scholars have already made important progress in this regard. In one aspect the Book of Revelation is far less of a challenge than was the Book of Job inasmuch as proposed dates for the authorship and life of Job had ranged over a 1200 year period of uncertainty (from c.1400-150 BC); whereas the terminal dates for the Apocalypse are closer to, say, 50 years (c. 50-100 AD). Seeking out the historico-literal sense, apart from being the first task of the exegete, can bring its own rewards. It was in fact whilst I was in the process of trying to establish the historicity of another part of the Old Testament - the era of King Solomon’s son, Rehoboam (c. 920 BC), when a Pharaoh sacked the Temple - that the notion first came to me that the Evangelist John was writing Revelation during a time before the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD, whilst the Judaïc system of things (the Temple, the Golden altar, the sabbath restrictions in the land) was still in place. Because all that Jewish legalism went right out the window with the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD. I refer to the following quote by Dr. Eva Danelius in her article, “Did Thutmose III Despoil the Temple in Jerusalem?” SIS Review (p. 70), which quote really made me sit up and begin to re-assess Fr. Kramer: For the attentive reader it is obvious that parts of John’s visions - the 24 elders, the importance of clean white garments, the punishment of those who neglect their duty as watchmen - reflect details of the duties of priests and Levites on watch in the Beth Moked, the northernmost building of the Temple compound, where the keys to the Temple mound were guarded under measures of the strictest security. It eventually became apparent to me that the whole book of Revelation reflected a pre-70 AD atmosphere, and that St. John was preparing his own generation for what was soon about to befall it, just as Our Lord had warned that same generation a few decades earlier. After my experiences with conventional Egyptian history, over a long period of time, I was not going to allow myself to be restricted any more by conventional dating. So, when I read that something was supposed to have happened in 95 AD (namely the writing of the Apocalypse), I had to ask myself: On what basis? Whilst I willingly accept Irenæus’ impressive testimony that Apocalypse was written late in the reign of Domitian, I do not so willingly accept the conventional assessment that Domitian reigned in 95 AD. Unless that can be proved beyond doubt. For me, now, the literal sense of the Apocalypse is that it reflects real historical events leading up to the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 AD. The emphasis here on the literal sense should not be seen as an attempt to exalt that sense over the spiritual. The whole point is, as with Job, to establish a substratum in order to make the higher senses more intelligible. (A bit like the way the philosophia perennis is meant to be used as a sound underpinning for theological studies). The Popes too, taking things much further than had St. Thomas Aquinas, have been most encouraging for the historical and archæological approach. I recall that one of the Popes (Pius XII) referred to the discovery of Tutankhamun’s tomb as “a resurrection”. The Popes, as I said, are not frightened of genuine scientific discoveries, but greatly urge their use. As far back as the days of Leo XIII, the Popes have been insisting that biblical scholars learn the ancient languages of the east in order the better to be able to understand the minds of the sacred writers. Now that papal advice, I believe, is going to prove crucial to a right understanding of the literal meaning of Revelation. Pope Saint John Paul II has noted that even by the time of Pius XII, the fruits of his predecessor Leo XIII’s biblical guidelines were already quite manifest: Fifty years later, in Divino afflante Spiritu Pope Pius XII could note the fruitfulness of the directives given by Providentissimus Deus; “Due to a better knowledge of the biblical languages and of everything regarding the east, ... a good number of the questions raised at the time of Leo XIII against the authenticity, antiquity, integrity and historical value of the sacred Books ... have now been sorted out and resolved” (EB, n,. 546). The work of Catholic exegetes “who correctly use the intellectual weapons employed by their adversaries” (n. 562) has borne its fruit. ... The archæological discoveries of the past 150 years have been a tremendous boon for biblical studies insofar as they have enabled us the better to understand the past and the scribal methods and idioms once employed. These discoveries, hidden from some of the great biblical scholars of bygone days - because these lived in times when many major ancient cities lay still buried in their shroud cloths of sand - have given an unfair advantage to we who live in the scientific age. We should be, and seemingly are, more conscious of the historical sense; and that is why this sense has come to the fore in more recent times. There is an interesting example in a writing of St. John of the Cross, in his classic, Dark Night of the Soul, of the use of the “mystical” sense (of which Pope John Paul II speaks) to eclipse, as it were, the literal meaning intended by the original author - in this case Moses. St. John of the Cross is of course the great Doctor of Mystical Theology in the Church. In his discussion of infused contemplation and its effects, the abstraction which it causes in its human subject, he writes of those who are under its influence as having difficulty speaking. No doubt this great Saint was talking from personal experience. In fact it is said of him that he was often so abstract in mind that, when in conversation with another, he had to hit his hand against a table periodically in order to maintain his concentration. Now St. John of the Cross always applied a mystical interpretation even to the Old Testament texts of Moses and David. No doubt this is quite legitimate inasmuch as the Holy Spirit has written the Scriptures for mystics as well as for historians, and the Scriptures are ever open to be interpreted on the mystical level. But St. John of the Cross, perhaps less sensitive to the literal level than would be a modern commentator, sometimes - at least as I estimate it - deprived the text of its natural meaning. Thus, when Moses complained to God that he could not approach Pharaoh, because he was naturally taciturn, St. John of the Cross immediately took this to mean that Moses was under the influence of infused contemplation, and that his speech had therefore been taken away from him (Bk. II): For the speech of God possesses this property: that when it is most secret, infused and spiritual, as to transcend all sense, it instantly suspends and silences the whole harmony and ability of the exterior and interior senses. Whereof we have instances and examples in the Divine Scriptures .... And this dullness of the interior, that is, of the inner sense of the imagination conjointly with the exterior sense in respect of this, Moses also made proof of in the presence of God in the burning bush, when he not only said to God, that after he had spoken with him, he knew not how, nor was able, to speak .... But, if we read the text closely, we learn that Moses said before God that he had been dull of speech all his life: ‘But, my Lord, never in my life have I been a man of eloquence, either before or since You have spoken to Your servant. I am a slow speaker and not able to speak well’ (Exodus 4:10). It is hardly likely that he was for all his 80 years under the influence of infused contemplation. Moreover God, far from praising Moses for his reticence (He at least would have looked favourably upon Moses if he had been dull of speech in the sense meant by St. John of the Cross), became angry with him (vv.11-14). St. John of the Cross had earlier written, with St. Mary Magdalene at Christ’s tomb in mind, that it is typical of ardent love to think “... all things possible, and that everyone is seeking what it seeks itself”. Perhaps the great Doctor of Mysticism carried that very principle into his purely mystical interpretation of Moses and misread the latter’s more basic meaning comment. But I stand to be corrected on this. By all means ought spiritually minded scholars look for the mystical meaning of the entire Scriptures as intended by the Holy Spirit. But now too, in this Third Millennium era, with the Popes also urging the importance of the historico-critical method, all exegetes might strive to be more conscious of the need firstly to lay down the substratum. I have gone into some detail about this because - despite the Magisterium’s emphasis on the importance of the historico-critical method - I know that my approach of emphasising the literal will bring criticism; as it already has. Whilst I welcome legitimate criticism, some of it, I believe, has been misinformed and Fundamentalistic in nature. I feel greatly encouraged again, this time by Pope John Paul II, in that he, in his address referred to above, was both highly critical of the Fundamentalist approach and supportive of an historical exegesis as long as it is according to the analogy of Faith. Some commentators, striving for orthodoxy, are too inclined to label liberal scholars as “modern exegetes”. That would tend to indicate that, to be orthodox, one has to be non-modern, fixed in the past - that there is no development. But Pope John Paul II made it clear on a number of occasions that the static state is not genuine Catholicism. Pope John Paul II was modern, but he always adhered to the analogy of the Faith. Maybe we should rather be distinguishing between modern and modernistic, which latter doctrine completely ignores the analogy of the Faith. Pope John Paul II’s address, in which he was at pains to point out the significance of the Incarnation for biblical studies, is likely to become so important in the future that we need to linger with it for a while (§ 4. emphasis added): In both cases [the two predecessor encyclicals] the reaction of the Magisterium was significant, for instead of giving a purely defensive response, it went to the heart of the problem and thus showed (let us note this at once) the Church’s faith in the mystery of the incarnation. Against the offensive of liberal exegesis, which presented its allegations as conclusions based on the achievements of science, one could have reacted by anathematizing the use of science in biblical interpretation and ordering Catholic exegetes to hold to a “spiritual” explanation of the texts. Providentissimus Deus did not take this route. On the contrary, the Encyclical earnestly invites Catholic exegetes to acquire genuine scientific expertise so that they may surpass their adversaries in their own field. “The first means of defence”, it said, “is found in studying the ancient languages of the east as well as the practice of scientific criticism” (EB, n. 118). The Church is not afraid of scientific criticism. She distrusts only preconceived opinions that claim to be based on science, but which in reality surreptitiously cause science to depart from its domain. Pope John Paul II will now further develop this important concept in a new section: The harmony between Catholic exegesis and the mystery of the Incarnation 6. The strict relationship uniting the inspired biblical texts with the mystery of the incarnation was expressed by the Encyclical Divino afflante Spiritu in the following terms: “Just as the substantial Word of God became like men in every respect except sin, so too the words of God, expressed in human languages, became like human language in every respect except error” (EB, n. 559). Repeated almost literally by the conciliar Constitution Dei Verbum (n. 13), this statement sheds light on a parallelism rich in meaning. It is true that putting God’s words into writing, through the charism of scriptural inspiration, was the first step toward the incarnation of the Word of God. The written words, in fact, were an abiding means of communication and communion between the chosen people and their one Lord. On the other hand, it is because of the prophetic aspect of these words that it was possible to recognize the fulfilment of God’s plan when “the Word became flesh and made his dwelling among us” (Jn 1:14). After the heavenly glorification of the humanity of the Word made flesh, it is again due to written words that his stay among us is attested to in an abiding way. Joined to the inspired writings of the first covenant, the inspired writings of the new covenant are a verifiable means of communication and communion between the believing people and God, the Father, Son and Holy Spirit. This means certainly can never be separated from the stream of spiritual life that flows from the Heart of Jesus crucified and which spreads through the Church’s sacrament. It has nevertheless its own consistency precisely as a written text which verifies it. 7. Consequently, the two Encyclicals require that Catholic exegetes remain in full harmony with the mystery of the incarnation, a mystery of the union of the divine and the human in a determinate historical life. The earthly life of Jesus is not defined only by the places and dates at the beginning of the first century in Judea and Galilee, but also by his deep roots in the long history of a small nation of the ancient Near East, with its weaknesses and its greatness, with its men of God and its sinners, with its slow cultural evolution and its political misadventures, with its defeats and its victories, with its longing for peace and the kingdom of God. The Church of Christ takes the realism of the incarnation seriously, and this is why she attaches great importance to the “historico-critical” study of the Bible. Far from condemning it, as those who support “mystical” exegesis would want, my Predecessors vigorously approved. “Artis criticæ disciplinam”, Leo XIII wrote, “quippe percipiendæ penitus hagiographiorum sententiæ perutilem, Nobis vehementer probantibus, nostri (exegetæ, scilicet, catholic) ecolant” (Apostolic Letter Viglilantiæ, establishing the Biblical commission, 30 October 1902: EB, n. 142). The same “vehemence” in the approval and the same adverb (“vehementer”) are found in Divino afflante Spiritu regarding research in textual criticism (cf EB, n. 548). In the next very important section Pope John Paul II described the false view of God and the Incarnation that some hold (the sort of view that Aristotle had of God as a distant Creator, and one that the Fundamentalists presently hold): 8. Divino afflante Spiritu, we know, particularly recommended that exegetes study the literary genres used in the Sacred Books, going so far as to say that Catholic exegesis must “be convinced that this part of its task cannot be neglected without serious harm to Catholic exegesis” (EB, n. 560). This recommendation starts from the concern to understand the meaning of the texts with all the accuracy and precision possible, and, thus, in their historical, cultural context. A false idea of God and the incarnation presses a certain number of Christians to take the opposite approach. They tend to believe that, since God is the absolute Being, each of his words has an absolute value, independent of all the conditions of human language. Thus, according to them, there is no room for studying these conditions in order to make distinctions that would relativize the significance of the words. However, that is where the illusion occurs and the mysteries of scriptural inspiration and the incarnation are really rejected, by clinging to a false notion of the Absolute. The God of the Bible is not an Absolute Being who, crushing everything he touches, would suppress all differences and all nuances. On the contrary, he is God the Creator, who created the atonishing variety of beings “each according to its kind”, as the Genesis account says repeatedly (Gn 1). far from destroying differences, God respects them and makes use of them (cf I Cor 12:18, 24, 28). Pope John Paul II was extremely broad-minded in all this: Although [God] expresses himself in human language, he does not give each expression a uniform value, but uses its possible nuances with extreme flexibility and likewise accepts its limitations. That is what makes the task of the exegetes so complex, so necessary and so fascinating! None of the human aspects of language can be neglected. The recent progress in linguistic, literary and hermeneutical research have led biblical exegesis to add many other points of view (rhetorical, narrative, structuralist) to the study of literary genres; other human sciences, such as psychology and sociology, have likewise been employed. To all this one can apply the charge which Leo XIII gave the members of the Biblical commission: “Let them consider nothing that the diligent research of modern scholars will have newly found as foreign to their realm; quite the contrary, let them be alert to adopt without delay anything useful that each period brings to biblical exegesis” (Viglilantiæ: EB, n. 140). Studying the human circumstances of the word of God should be pursued with ever renewed interest. 10. Nevertheless, this study is not enough. In order to respect the coherence of the Church’s faith and of scriptural inspiration, Catholic exegesis must be careful not to limit itself to the human aspects of the biblical texts. First and foremost, it must help the Christian people more clearly perceive the word of God in these texts so that they can better accept them in order to live in full communion with God. To this end it is obviously necessary that the exegete himself perceive the divine word in the texts. He can do this only if his intellectual work is sustained by a vigorous spiritual life.

Saturday, September 13, 2025

The Bronze Serpent

‘As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of Man be lifted up, that whoever believes in him may have eternal life’. John 3:14-15 Jake Allstaedt has written (2020): https://www.1517.org/articles/jesus-is-our-bronze-serpent Jesus Is Our Bronze Serpent Looking at a bronze serpent on a pole cannot remove deadly venom coursing through your veins. But it can if God says it can. “For God so loved the world, that he gave his only Son, that whoever believes in him should not perish but have eternal life.” (John 3:16) is a well-known verse. What isn’t so well-known is the sentence right before it: “As Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of Man be lifted up, that whoever believes in him may have eternal life” (John 3:14-15). That short, seemingly obscure reference is a throwback to an event in the life of God’s people, the Israelites, as they journeyed in the wilderness after having been freed from slavery in Egypt. Understanding that story will enrich our understanding of who Jesus is and what He came to do for us. So, what happened? Throughout the Israelites’ journey in the wilderness God took care of them. He gave them bread from heaven and water to drink. God graciously provided for their every need, yet they turned against Him in the desire for something more than what they had: “And the people spoke against God and against Moses, ‘Why have you brought us up out of Egypt to die in the wilderness? For there is no food and no water, and we loathe this worthless food’” (Numbers 21:5). Oh, there was food and water. God made sure of that. This complaint exposed their selfish discontentment with what they had been given. They were ungrateful, forgetting that they had been rescued from slavery. These gracious provisions weren’t enough; they wanted something more. God gave them something more: fiery serpents. These serpents bit the people and many died. It was because of these serpents that the Israelites realized that they had sinned against God. They asked Moses to pray for them, that God might take away the snakes. Moses did as the people asked and God had mercy on them. He commanded Moses to lift up a bronze serpent on a pole so that everyone who was bitten could look at it and live. Scientifically speaking, that doesn’t even make sense. Looking at a bronze serpent on a pole cannot remove deadly venom coursing through your veins. But it can if God says it can. God spoke. He attached His promise to that bronze serpent and the Israelites looked to it in faith—believing that God would save them through the way He provided. Let’s go back to John 3:14-15: “And as Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, so must the Son of Man be lifted up, that whoever believes in him may have eternal life.” Jesus came to this world because deadly venom courses through our veins too. It’s called sin. Adam and Eve, our first parents, were “snake-bitten.” Like the Israelites in the wilderness, God graciously provided for their every need, yet they turned against Him in the desire for something more than what they had. The ancient serpent, Satan, tempted them and they gave in, bringing sin into their lives and into creation itself. The venom of sin has passed from generation to generation. You and I have it. Our kids have it. It’s why you’ll never have to teach your children how to be bad. It’s why our hearts are filled with so much hatred, violence, abuse, racism, pride, selfishness, jealousy, adultery—it’s why we journey through the wilderness of this life often craving something more than what God has graciously provided. We have a sin problem. We’ve inherited it and we commit it. This venom is deadly and it is killing us. But God has mercy on us. Immediately after Adam and Eve sinned, God promised a Savior who would crush the head of the serpent, undoing the deadly consequences of sin, while He himself would be bitten. This Savior, Jesus, the Son of God, was lifted up to death on the pole of the cross. When Moses lifted up the serpent in the wilderness, he lifted up that which was killing the people. God, in effect, was declaring, “Look! That which is killing you is now hanging on a pole! I have put away the snake and its venom. I have put away your sin. Look to this serpent in faith and live!” Jesus is our bronze serpent—He became that which was killing us! St. Paul declares in 2 Corinthians 5:21: “For our sake he made him (that is, Jesus) to be sin who knew no sin, so that in him we might become the righteousness of God.” Jesus was “snake-bitten” for us. He became our sin on the cross—the sin we’ve inherited, the sins we have committed, and the sins we will commit—all of it hung on the pole of the cross in the person of Jesus. Look! The sin that is killing you is hanging on the pole of the cross! God has put away your sin. Look to Jesus in faith and live! Let’s read the words of John 3:16 one more time: “For God so loved the world, that he gave his only Son, that whoever believes in him should not perish but have eternal life.” God had mercy on Adam and Eve because He loved them. He had mercy on the Israelites because He loved them. Why does He have mercy on you? Because He loves you. One more time: Because He loves you. He loves us so much that, even though we’ve turned against Him, forgetting His goodness and craving more than He graciously provides, He sent His Son, Jesus, to become our sin and die our death to ensure that you will not perish, but have eternal life. That’s love right there. Anyone—anyone—who looks to Jesus in faith will not perish but have eternal life. 14th September, 2025 Feast of the Triumph of the Holy Cross

Monday, August 4, 2025

The C14th AD like an epoch lifted out of the ancient Book of Esther

by Damien F. Mackey The leader of a group of supposed conspirators arrested without warning at the behest of the king … by “agents of the king”, on the thirteenth day of a month, with his fellow conspirators also seized “all at once”.” Introduction So far, my only other articles in this series have been these two: Scrutinising the C7th AD for its conundrums and anachronisms (1) Scrutinising the C7th AD for its conundrums and anachronisms and: Bible-themed people and events permeate what we call [the] C15th AD (3) Bible-themed people and events permeate what we call C15th AD Here now, in this new article, we shall be considering these so-called C14th AD entities: 1. Jacques de Molay: 1244-1314 2. Guillaume de Nogaret: 1260-1313 3. Philip IV ‘the Fair’: 1268-1314 4. Queen Estera (Esther, Esterke): c. 1350 5. Dante Alighieri: 1265-1321 6. Francesco Petrarch: 1304-1374 7. Avignon Exile: 1309-1376 1. Jacques de Molay Much of the fascinating story of Grand Master, Jacques de Molay, and the demise of the Knights Templar appears to have been lifted right out of the ancient Book of Esther, though with names and locations changed and, sometimes, with character rôles reversed. This is all dealt with fairly comprehensively in my article: Book of Esther key to Knights Templar and 1307 AD https://www.academia.edu/75561693/Book_of_Esther_key_to_Knights_Templar_and_1307_AD at the beginning of which I wrote: “In fact, Jacques’ world was shattered in the predawn hours of the next morning, Friday, October 13, when the Temple in Paris was invaded by agents of the king. All the Templars that could be found in the kingdom of France were, all at once, in the same moment, seized and locked up in different prisons, after an order and decree of the king”. Sharan Newman Introduction For some, the origin of the 13th as being an unlucky day has arisen from a famous conspiracy in the Old Testament’s Book of Esther; for others it may have come about due to an incident in (presumably) modern European history about which very much has been written in recent times. In the first case, in the Book of Esther, it is the plot of the evil Haman and his co-conspirators to annihilate all the Jews in the 13th day of the month Adar (Esther 3:6-13). This is perhaps the first famous 13th day incident in history, that is if you believe that the story of Queen Esther is in fact history, rather than just a pious and edifying fiction. But some historians regard the arrest of the leaders of the Knights Templar on the 13th day of October, 1307, as the reason why the 13th day is considered to be unlucky. Sharan Newman has considered the thirteenth in the context of the Templars in her book, The Real History Behind the Templars (Penguin 2009, p. 249): I have often heard that our superstition about Friday the thirteenth being an unlucky day stems from the arrest of the Templars. It’s very difficult to trace the origin of a folk belief. It does seem that the thirteenth was an unlucky number long before the Templars, and there are traditions that Friday is an unlucky day, perhaps stemming from Friday being the day of Jesus’ crucifixion. I haven’t been able to discover when the two beliefs were joined. It was certainly unlucky for Jacques [de Molay] and the rest of the Templars. In fact, Jacques’ world was shattered in the predawn hours of the next morning, Friday, October 13, when the Temple in Paris was invaded by agents of the king. “All the Templars that could be found in the kingdom of France were, all at once, in the same moment, seized and locked up in different prisons, after an order and decree of the king”. [End of quote] So which of these views, if either, is the correct one? I would say both. But how, both? When reading Newman’s critical account of the famous Templar incident I was struck for the first time (even though I had read about this many times before) by the host of likenesses in the overall account of this gripping story with the details of the biblical Book of Esther. The comparisons are, I think, amazing. Just to take as a starting-point the brief account given above by Newman, we have here all of the basic elements that we find also in the plot of the Book of Esther, namely: The leader of a group of supposed conspirators arrested without warning at the behest of the king (not mentioned in the above account), by “agents of the king”, on the thirteenth day of a month, with his fellow conspirators also seized “all at once”. This action was followed by the execution of the leader and of all of his followers. Both accounts are fascinating. The Book of Esther is considered by some to be a well worked out piece of literature, with not too much in it by way of historical reality. And, there is again so much intrigue surrounding the Knights Templar - as nearly anyone living today would probably know, thanks to authors such as Dan Brown - that it is often hard to separate what is fact about them from what is fiction. Books continue to be churned out on this most fascinating of subjects. The logistics of the arrest of these formidable knights, on the 13th day, “in the same moment”, for instance, can almost beggar belief. And for what reason? There is no unanimity at all about the why’s and the wherefore’s of it. It is all a bit bizarre, something like the cruel execution of the old and amiable Socrates. In various of my now many historical reconstructions (some might prefer to call them historical deconstructions), dedicated to Jesus Christ, the Alpha and Omega, and Lord of all history, I have argued that some key Old Testament personages and events have, strangely, been sucked into the Black Hole of so-called ‘Dark Ages’ history (600-900 AD), where they have been re-cast - given a modern colouring (names, geography). The supposed incident of king Philip the IV’s capture of the chief Templars, on that fateful 13th day of October 1307, is of course outside that timescale. However, thanks to Newman’s critical account of it, I have been suddenly struck by the host of likenesses in the overall account of it with the Book of Esther, with which I am well familiar. Though this event, as just said, falls a bit outside the ‘Dark Ages’ period, it, too, seems to be largely fictional. I am not going to go so far as to deny the historical existence of the main players in the drama, but I am going to make bold as to insist that many of the dramatic events in this terrible tale are completely fictitious as to AD time, though they did actually occur (with different names and geography, of course) back in about the C6th BC, in an equally terrifying conspiracy of biblical proportions: the story of Queen Esther. It will be the purpose of this article to unravel the modern tale by showing how it, in its basic elements, finds its real place in the Book of Esther. An Important Note About the Characters Involved As was the case in my article, “Beware of Greeks Bearing Myths”: http://bookofjob-amaic.blogspot.com/search/label/Beware%20of%20Greeks%20Bearing%20Gifts - in which I had argued that the biblical books of Tobit and Job underlie much of Homer’s Odyssey - I had noted that what certain characters might have done or said in the original (biblical) versions, can be, in the case of the copycat version, transferred to another character: “I need to point out that it sometimes happens that incidents attributed to the son, in the Book of Tobit, might, in The Odyssey, be attributed to the son's father, or vice versa (or even be attributed to some less important character). The same sort of mix occurs with the female characters”, so now do I say the same thing again in the case of the Book of Esther as absorbed into the presumed C14th AD scenario. So who are the main players in the supposed C14th incident involving the Knights Templar, who I believe find their basis in the Book of Esther? …. The Wicked Conspirator In the Book of Esther the chief conspirator is of course Haman himself, who, as we have read, conspires to massacre all the Jews. Haman is the archetypal secret Masonic or Illuminati type of conspirator, bent on world domination. Now Jacques de Molay, because of the ambiguity (good and bad) associated with him, also partly fills the role of Haman, as the wicked conspirator, but partly, too, he emerges as the righteous persecuted party. Newman tells as follows of this most enigmatic Jacques de Molay (op. cit., p. 227): Jacques de Molay, the final Grand Master of the Templars, has become a figure of legend. To some he was a martyr, to others a heretic. He was either the victim of a plot or justly punished for the crimes of the order. Plays have been written about him. A Masonic youth group is named after him. Was he the last master of a secret society? Was he a heretic who denied the divinity of Christ? Or was he just a devout soldier caught up in the snares of the king of France, a relic of a dying world? Who was this man who presided over the Templars in their last days? This to be continued in 2. (Guillaume de Nogaret). Concerning Jacques de Molay, himself: https://www.encyclopedia.com/religion/encyclopedias-almanacs-transcripts-and-maps/jacques-de-molay “Hardly anything is known about his life prior to his promotion to the rank of grand master in 1298”. Even greater frustration, biographically speaking, is met in the case of the founding first Grand Master of the Templars, Hugh de Payen, as indicated in my article: A Huge Pain trying to find a history of Hugues de Payens https://www.academia.edu/101036560/A_Huge_Pain_trying_to_find_a_history_of_Hugues_de_Payens …. But who was Hugh? Where is Payns? What was his background and who were his family? What could have led him to devote his life to fighting for God? Despite his importance, even in his own day, a contemporary biography of Hugh has never been found. Nor has any medieval writer even mentioned reading one. I find this interesting because it indicates to me the uneasiness people felt about the idea of warrior monks. Other men who founded orders, like Francis of Assisi or Robert of Arbrissel, had biographies written about them immediately after their deaths. The main purpose of this was to have an eyewitness account of their saintliness in case they were suggested for canonization. Of the little that was written about Hugh, nothing was negative, but there .... does not seem to have been any sense that he was in line for sainthood. So how do we find out more about this man who started it all? The first clue we have is from the chronicler William of Tyre. He says that Hugh came from the town of Payns, near Troyes in the county of Champagne. …. William also mentions Hugh’s companion, Godfrey of St. Omer, in Picardy, now Flanders. These two men seem, in William’s eyes, to be cofounders of the Templars, but it was Hugh who became the first Grand Master. This may have been through natural leadership, but it also may have been because Hugh had the right connections. Payns is a small town in France, near Troyes, the seat of the counts of Champagne. It is situated in a fertile farmland that even then had a reputation for its wine. It’s not known when Hugh was born, or who his parents were. The first mention of him in the records is from about 1085-1090, when a “Hugo de Pedano, Montiniaci dominus,” or Hugh of Payns, lord of Montigny, witnessed a charter in which Hugh, count of Champagne, donated land to the abbey of Molesme. …. In order to be a witness, our Hugh had to have been at least sixteen. So he was probably born around 1070. Over the next few years, four more charters of the count are witnessed by a “Hugo de Peanz” or “Hugo de Pedans.” Actually, the place name is spelled slightly differently each time it appears. …. It is also spelled “Hughes.” Spelling was much more of a creative art back then. However, it’s fairly certain that these are all the same man. These show that Hugh was part of the court of the count of Champagne, perhaps even related to him. The last of these charters in Champagne is from 1113. The next time we find the name Hugh de Payns, it is in 1120 in Jerusalem. …. So now we have confirmation of the story that Hugh was in Jerusalem in 1119-1120 to found the Templars outside of later histories. However, it is not until five years later that Hugh witnesses a charter in which he lists himself as “Master of the Knights Templar.” …. In between, he is witness to a donation made in 1123 by Garamond, patriarch of Jerusalem, to the abbey of Santa Maria de Josaphat. Here Hugh is listed only by the name “Hugonis de Peans.” There is no mention of the Templars and Hugh is near the end of the list of witnesses, showing that he was not one of the most important people present. …. How did Hugh get to Jerusalem? What happened in those five years between witnessing a charter as a layman and becoming Master of the Templars? We can guess, but unless more information appears, we can’t know for certain. …. 2. Guillaume de Nogaret My Book of Esther article (above) continues: …. Similarly Guillaume de Nogaret, the king’s adviser and henchman, can on the one hand represent the wicked Haman in the C14th saga, whilst, on the other hand, he can appear to be the hero, or righteous adviser, like Mordecai, who got rid of a most pernicious influence (Haman/fallen Templars). It is de Nogaret who apparently organises the 13th day capture of the Templars. For some, though, de Nogaret definitely had an evil (Haman-like) reputation. Thus Newman (op. cit., pp. 244-245): [King Philip’s] close adviser Guillaume de Nogaret has been blamed for every evil thing Philip did, especially regarding Pope Boniface and the Temple. It’s possible that Philip was easily duped. It’s also possible that Philip, like many people, preferred to make a good impression on the public and let underlings take the heat. He might have been a Teflon king. …. I’m sure the matter will continue to be debated for years. “[Nogaret] also earned the enmity of a much better writer than he”, Newman goes on to tell (ibid., p. 274). “In the Divine Comedy Dante compared Nogaret to Pontius Pilate …”. This particular Guillaume may very well merge in the story of the Templars with Guillaume de Paris, the Inquisitor General of Paris, whose directions King Philip was … inclined to follow. …. Newman has dedicated her Chapter Thirty-Two to a character whom she says has been “considered the most sinister”, Guillaume de Nogaret. She begins (ibid., p. 272): Of all the people involved in the arrest and trials of the Templars, Guillaume de Nogaret has been considered the most sinister, the man who was the mastermind behind everything that happened. This servant of the king had cut his teeth on the stage with Pope Boniface VIII in 1303 and was ready once again to prove himself to his master, King Philip IV, by destroying the Templars as well. Many have considered him the evil genius behind the trial of the Templars as well as the campaign against Boniface. Who was this man? Was he pulling the strings to make King Philip dance to his tune or was it Guillaume who was the puppet, taking the fall for the king? What a marvellous description - this could also be about the rise and fall of Haman! The name “Nogaret” is, according to Newman (ibid.), “not the name of a place but is a variation on the Occitan word nogarède, or “walnut grower” …. Interestingly, the Jews, on the Feast of Purim – the feast that grew from the Jewish victory over Haman (Esther 10:13; 11:1) – eat what they call “Haman’s ears” (Oznei Haman); a special triangular pastry whose ingredients include chopped up walnuts. Nogaret’s rise to power had been rapid, just as Haman’s was (Esther 3:1-2): … King Ahasuerus promoted Haman son of Hammedatha the Agagite, and advanced him and set his seat above all the officials who were with him. And all the king’s servants who were at the king’s gate bowed down and did obeisance to Haman; for the king had so commanded concerning him …. Newman (op. cit., pp. 273-274): Sometime around 1296, Nogaret received a call from Paris. He’d made the big time, legal counsel to the king! …. Over the next few years he successfully handled several negotiations for Philip. In 1299, he was rewarded by being promoted to the nobility. After that, he was entitled to call himself “knight” …. Nogaret seems to have been Philip’s main counselor during the king’s battle with Pope Boniface. …. In Philip’s confrontation with the pope, Nogaret was apparently the guiding hand and also the one who physically led the attack on the pope in his retreat at Anagni in 1303. …. In [his use of the media], Nogaret was a master. According to Nogaret’s defense of the king’s actions, Boniface was a heretic, idolater, murderer, and sodomite. He also practised usury, bribed his way into his position, and made trouble wherever he went. …. These charges were never proved but they convinced many. They also gave Guillaume de Nogaret good material for his diatribe against the Templars four years later. Similarly, Haman had earlier dubious ‘form’. He had actually been secretly plotting, via the agency of “two eunuchs of the king”, against king Ahasuerus himself (Esther 12:1-6). Haman had obviously covetted the first place in the empire right from the start. The plot was foiled by Mordecai, who then became the object of Haman’s wrath. But Haman was proud. “… he thought it beneath him to lay hands on Mordecai alone. So, having been told who Mordecai’s people were, Haman plotted to destroy all the Jews, the people of Mordecai, throughout the whole kingdom of Ahasuerus” (Esther 3:6). As noted earlier, Guillaume de Nogaret may also be merged with Guillaume of Paris, at whose instigation King Philip claimed to have sent out his secret orders for the arrest of the Templars on that fateful 13th day. Newman (op. cit., p. 249): Philip winds up by telling his officials that he is only taking this drastic step at the request of the Inquisitor General in Paris, and with the permission of the pope, because the Templars pose a clear and present danger to all the people of Christendom. ….. Guillaume de Paris, the Inquisitor, was also Philip’s private confessor. This is exactly the same scenario as in the case of Haman’s plot. The king is, in this instance at least, passive. And, for Ahasuerus, it is owing to the advice of the “counselors”, as he said, with “Haman … in charge of affairs”, that the king had proposed to annihilate the Jews (Esther 13:3-7): When I asked my counselors how this might be accomplished, Haman - who excels among us in sound judgment, and is distinguished for his unchanging goodwill and steadfast fidelity, and has attained the second place in the kingdom - pointed out to us that among all the nations in the world there is scattered a certain hostile people, who have laws contrary to those of every nation and continually disregard the ordinances of kings, so that the unifying of the kingdom that we honourably intend cannot be brought about. We understand that this people, and it alone, stands constantly in opposition to every nation, perversely following a strange manner of life and laws, and is ill-disposed to our government, doing all the harm they can so that our kingdom may not attain stability. Therefore we have decreed that those indicated to you in the letters written by Haman, who is in charge of affairs and is our second father, shall all – wives and children included – be utterly destroyed by the swords of their enemies, without pity or restraint, on the fourteenth day of the twelfth month, Adar, of this present year, so that those who have long been hostile and remain so may in a single day go down in violence to Hades, and leave our government completely secure and untroubled hereafter. 3. Philip IV ‘the Fair’ Most important in all of this is the King - Philip IV, known as both ‘the Fair’ (handsome) and as the ‘Iron King’. He appears to have been a greedy and exacting king, and in this he much resembles the accountant-like King Ahasuerus in the Book of Esther. Regarding this latter king’s apparent obsession with ‘the bottom line’, see my article: Judaism’s tricky association with the calculative Medo-Persian king https://www.academia.edu/122752256/Judaism_s_tricky_association_with_the_calculative_Medo_Persian_king In my Esther article (above) I wrote this about him as follows: The King King Ahasuerus in the Book of Esther and King Philip IV le Bel (“the Fair”) in the C14th. Both can be competent, but they are also flawed. Both are keen on money. Both have a tendency towards gullibility - being “duped and taken advantage of by his entourage” is a description of King Philip that we shall encounter below - he being prepared to leave important affairs in the hands of his trusted officials. Philip IV’s supposed contemporary, Bernard Saisset, certainly thought that Philip le Bel was all show and no substance. Thus Newman (op. cit., p. 241): “One comment that Saisset made became famous throughout Europe. “Our king resembles an owl, the fairest of birds but worthless. He is the handsomest man in the world, but he only knows how to look at people unblinkingly, without speaking”.” And similarly (ibid., p. 244): Historians have disagreed as to how much Philip was the instigator of the deeds attributed to him. …. Another contemporary said, “Our king is an apathetic man, a falcon. While the Flemings acted, he passed his time in hunting …. He is a child; he does not see that he is being duped and taken advantage of by his entourage” …. This last aspect of the king’s make up is certainly apparent at least in his counterpart in the Book of Esther, king Ahasuerus (of whom we do not have a physical description). King Ahasuerus, after he had been duped by Haman and his fellow conspirators, seems then to have come to his senses, to have matured. Thus he decrees with the wisdom of hindsight (Esther 16:8-9): “In the future we will take care to render our kingdom quiet and peaceable for all, by changing our methods and always judging what comes before our eyes with more equitable consideration”. Still, this Ahasuerus must have been basically a most competent king to have been able to rule over so massive an empire (127 provinces, Esther 1:1). It is only to be expected that he would have had to delegate responsibilities to his ministers. He had an active and close-knit bureaucracy (Esther 12:10: 1:13, 14; 2:14; 3:12; 4:6; 7:9) and he kept close about him “sages who knew the laws (for this was the king’s procedure toward all who were versed in law and custom” (1:13). He had also a most efficient courier and postal service (3:13; 8:1; 12:22). Newman has made some favourable comments on King Philip as an administrator (op. cit., p. 245): “From looking at the records, I’m inclined to think he was smarter than people thought and not just a puppet …”. Another of the significant changes in King Philip’s reign is his reliance on lawyers to maintain the workings of the state. Unlike his ancestors, Philip’s advisers were not relatives or knights who owed him military service, but legal administrators. “The strongest, most highly developed … branch of the government was the judicial system” …. Philip was a master at using this system to give legal justification for all his actions, including annexing the land of other countries, bringing down a pope, expelling the Jews, and, of course, destroying the Templars. His legacy is still being disputed. In many ways he strengthened the French government …. He established a weblike bureaucracy that, as far as I can tell, still survives. Essentially this is all perfectly apt for king Ahasuerus as well. Did he not, for instance, employ his legal team to determine the case of his first wife, Queen Vashti, whom he subsequently dismissed on their advice (Esther 12:12-21)? – thereby paving the way for the young Esther. He also greatly strengthened his kingdom, adding further tribute to his treasuries (Esther 10:1-2): “King Ahasuerus laid tribute on the land and on the islands of the sea [presumably Greece]. All the acts of his power and might, and the full account of the high honor of Mordecai, to which the king advanced him, are they not written in the annals of the kings of Media and Persia?” …. That King Philip IV was interested in money and pomp is apparent from any written account of him. And these identical factors also seem to be well to the fore in the Book of Esther in regard to king Ahasuerus. Thus he, in a great banquet, “displayed the great wealth of his kingdom and the splendor and pomp of his majesty for many days, one hundred eighty days in all” (Esther 1:4). Just as Haman had provided big money for the king’s treasury, “so that the king would not suffer any loss”, so presumably had “the treasurer of the Templars [given] Philip a loan of 200,000 florins … enormous loan …” (Newman, p. 231). Around 1297, the king had collected another sum from the Templars (p. 230): “… King Philip had borrowed 2,500 livres from the Temple”. Haman seemed to know the empire better than did the king, as he has to tell the king of the geography of the Jews. The Jews were largely at this time in the ‘Babylonian Captivity’, due to the destruction of their city and Temple by king Nebuchednezzar ‘the Great’. And indeed we read that there was also a ‘Babylonian Captivity’ of Temple Knights as late as 1302, but by the Saracens, supposedly, not by the Chaldeans (Newman p. 230): “… the brethren of the Temple were dishonourably conducted to Babylon…”. Likewise, Jacques de Molay well knew the kingdom of his king and beyond it, due to his vast travels (ibid.): “The next two years [1294-1295] were spent in a tireless crisscross of the countries in which the Templars were most invested: France, Provence, Burgundy, Spain, Italy, and England”. …. Our composite King seems to be replicated in the Polish king, Casimir III ‘the Great’, at least insofar as the latter was married to a Queen Esther (Estera, Esterke). And we certainly need an Esther-like queen to complete our package, even though the reign of Casimir III (1333-1370) would be considered to have post-dated the Templar (Estherian) crisis. 4. Queen Estera (Esther, Esterke) While a more appropriate female may eventually be found in a Templar context, this semi-legendary woman does, in many ways, fit like a glove: A Queen Esther in the C14th AD (4) A Queen Esther in the C14th AD According to Dr. Pearl Herzog (2012): https://mishpacha.com/the-polish-queen-esther/ The Polish Queen Esther In the ancient Jewish quarter of the Kazimir district in Krakow Poland you’ll find a street called Ulica Estery. It’s named after Queen Esterke as she was referred to in Yiddish. Like Purim’s Queen Esther this 14th century Jewess was married to a gentile king — Casimir III — and used her position of power to save Polish Jews from persecution. About 200 years after Queen Esterke lived Rabbi Dovid Ganz (a student of both the Rema and the Maharal) authored a book titled Tzemach Dovid which is the first Jewish documentary evidence of Queen Esterke’s existence. He writes that there was a Jewish Queen Esther whose husband Casimir granted the Jews of Poland special liberties as a result of her influence. A Jew in the Palace King Casimir was also likened to King Achashveirosh. An anti-Semitic priest Przeslaw Mojecki who was obviously familiar with the Purim story writes in his book Jewish Cruelties (published in 1589): “We know from chronicles that our Polish Asswrus [Achashveirosh] Casimir the Great took Esther in place of his own wife the despised Adleida and begat with her two sons — Niemira and Pefka — and daughters as well and persuaded by Esther he permitted to bring them up as Jews.” The priest goes on to describe Esther as being conniving and having manipulated King Casimir to promulgate what Mojecki considers a hateful law. The linking of Esterke’s life with Purim’s Queen Esther is also found in a play called “Estherke” by Herschel Eppelberg which was first performed in Warsaw in 1890. The play contains many parallels to the Megillah including a fast called by Queen Esterke to assure the success of her appeal to King Casimir when she tries to plead for the safety of her people. The attempts of an evil priest to block the granting of rights to the Jews is reminiscent of Haman’s actions centuries earlier. …. And, according to the Wikipedia article, “Esterka”: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Esterka Esterka (Estera) refers to a mythical Jewish mistress of Casimir the Great, the historical King of Poland who reigned between 1333 and 1370. Medieval Polish and Jewish chroniclers considered the legend as historical fact and report a wonderful love story between the beautiful Jewess and the great monarch.[1] Legend The first account of Esterka can be found in scripts of the 15th-century Polish chronicler Jan Długosz and recorded again, a century later, by the famous Jewish chronicler David Gans, who even maintained that Esterka was married to the king.[2] Gans wrote: "Casimir, the king of Poland, took for himself a concubine - a young Jewess named Esther. Of all the maidens of the land, none compared to her beauty. She was his wife for many years. For her sake, the king extended many privileges to the Jews of his kingdom. She persuaded the king to issue documents of freedom and beneficence."[3] According to the legend, Esterka was the daughter of a poor tailor from Opoczno named Rafael. Her beauty[4] and intelligence were legendary. She was later installed in the royal palace of Lobzovo near Krakow.[5] Esterka was said to have played a significant role in Casimir's life. In the legend, she performed as a King's adviser in support of various initiatives: free trade, building stone cities, tolerance to representatives of different religious faiths and support of cultural development. Casimir was loyal to the Jews and encouraged them. For many years, Krakow was the home of one of the most important Jewish communities in Europe.[5] He was called The Great King for his intelligence and bright vision, which helped him to increase the size and wealth of Poland. During the years of the Black Death Esterka's influence helped to prevent the murder of many Polish Jews who were scapegoated for the disease. King Casmir had several wives, but Esterka was said to have been the only one who gave him male offspring despite the fact that they never were officially married. Their sons, Pelko and Nemir, were said in the legend to have been baptized on the request of their father. The two became the mythical ancestors of several Polish noble families. To develop legal and commercial relations between Jews, Poles, and Germans, Pelko was sent to Kraków. In 1363, Nemir was sent to Ruthenia to establish a new knightly order, which later became the patrimonial nest of the Rudanovsky dynasty [6] She also had two daughters brought up as Jews.[5] …. The reign of Casimir III and Queen Esther, coincided (in part) with - as we have just read - the Black Death (1347-1351). Perhaps, given the shaky historicity of the King and his wife, this lengthy phenomenon, too, will now need to be seriously re-assessed. For instance we read at: https://www.gavi.org/vaccineswork/black-death-was-not-widespread-or-catastrophic-long-thought-new-study The Black Death was not as widespread or catastrophic as long thought – new study The Black Death is believed to have been the most devastating pandemic in Europe's history. Now paleoecologists and historians have cast doubt on how bad it was. • 10 February 2022 …. In popular imagination, the Black Death is the most devastating pandemic to have ever hit Europe. Between 1346 and 1353, plague is believed to have reached nearly, if not every, corner of the continent, killing 30%-50% of the population. This account is based on texts and documents written by state or church officials and other literate witnesses. But, as with all medieval sources, the geographical coverage of this documentation is uneven. While some countries, like Italy or England, can be studied in detail, only vague clues exist for others, like Poland. Unsurprisingly, researchers have worked to correct this imbalance and uncover different ways for working out the extent of the Black Death’s mortality. In our new study, we used 1,634 samples of fossil pollen from 261 lakes and wetlands in 19 European countries. This vast amount of material enabled us to compare the Black Death’s demographic impact across the continent. The result? The pandemic’s toll was not as universal as currently claimed, nor was it always catastrophic. …. Here, finally, we leave the Book of Esther parallels that have carried us through a large slice of the conventional C14th AD, to consider Dante (5.) and Petrarch (6.). 5. Dante Alighieri I agree with those who reckon that: Dante ‘resembles [a] Hebrew prophet’ https://www.academia.edu/24965241/Dante_resembles_Hebrew_prophet_ Another article that I have written on the subject provides a long list of parallels between Dante and the Hebrew prophet, Daniel: Dante's ‘Old Man’ is prophet Daniel's King Nebuchednezzar (4) Dante's 'Old Man' is prophet Daniel's King Nebuchednezzar ‘… the immediate parallelism of Dante’s “old man” is to King Nebuchadnezzar's dream in the second book of Daniel. Here, the man is similarly fashioned, with a head of gold, chest and arms of silver, a waist of bronze, and legs of iron. However, both the feet in the Biblical passage are of iron mixed with clay, while in Dante one foot is iron and the other is of clay’. …. Works of Dante considered spurious (Many sceptics of Book of Daniel). The title of father of modern Dante scholarship unquestionably belongs to Karl Witte (1800-83), whose labours set students of the nineteenth century on the right path both in interpretation and in textual research. More recently, mainly through the influence of G.A. Scartazzini (d. 1901), a wave of excessive scepticism swept over the field, by which the traditional events of Dante's life were regarded as little better than fables and the majority of his letters and even some of his minor works were declared to be spurious. Hebrew prophet (Daniel was indeed that). Never, perhaps, has Dante's fame stood so high as at the present day, when he is universally recognized as ranking with Homer, Æschylus, Sophocles, and Shakespeare, among the few supreme poets of the world. It has been well observed that his inspiration resembles that of the Hebrew prophet more than that of the poet as ordinarily understood. On a similar note, see my article: ‘Socrates’ as a Prophet (12) 'Socrates' as a Prophet | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Dante ‘Becomes’ Nebuchednezzar Dante’s “inspiration resembles that of the Hebrew prophet more than that of the poet as ordinarily understood”. So we have read. But it has also been said (see below): “Dante is to Nebuchadnezzar as Beatrice is to Daniel”. ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ “Why should Dante have cast himself as the tyrannical Babylonian ruler?” ------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ For some incredible likenesses to the Book of Daniel in Dante’s writings it may suffice to quote from the following two intriguing articles: Robert Hollander (Princeton University) 17 May 2005 Paradiso 4.14: Dante as Nebuchadnezzar? The following passage, a simile, apparently establishes a four-way typological analogy, three terms of which are disclosed, and one of which is not expressed, but is understood easily and by all who have dealt with this text. At the same time, it has always caused displeasure or avoidance in its readers: Fé sì Beatrice qual fé Danïello, Nabuccodonosor levando d'ira, che l'avea fatto ingiustamente fello; (Par. 4.13-15) The cast of characters of this passage also (and obviously) includes the protagonist, even if he is not named in it. And indeed, all readily agree that, in this "equation," Dante is to Nebuchadnezzar as Beatrice is to Daniel. The problem only begins once we have come that far. Dante has accustomed his readers to understanding his typological analogies readily. One such that usefully comes to mind with reference to our passage is found farther along in Paradiso, the allusion to the figurally related pair Ananias/Beatrice and its unexpressed but pellucidly clear companion duo, in similar relation, Saul of Tarsus/Dante: "perché la donna che per questa dia regïon ti conduce, ha ne lo sguardo la virtù ch'ebbe la man d' Anania ." (Par. 26.10-12) While not all aspects of this quadripartite relation have proven to be easily assimilated (for instance, what exactly Beatrice's gaze represents), it is probably fair to say that its basic business has escaped no one: Dante, blinded by the presence of St. John, is assured by him that he will soon regain his sight by the ministrations of Beatrice, who will serve as the new Ananias to his Saul (Acts 9:8-18), blinded on the road to Damascus. To return to our less well understood simile, we find that it puts into parallel Beatrice (placating Dante's anxiety) and Daniel (stilling Nebuchadnezzar's wrath). It thus also necessarily puts into parallel Dante and Nebuchadnezzar, a relation that at first makes no sense at all[1]. The poet has earlier in the Commedia visited this biblical text (found in the second book of the prophet Daniel), the account of the king's dream and Daniel's interpretation of it (see Inf. 14.94-111 for Dante's version of that dream, embodied in the representation of the veglio di Creta). Here he fastens on its perhaps strangest aspect: the new king's desire to kill all the wise men in his kingdom of Babylon who could neither bring his forgotten dream back to mind nor then interpret it � about as untoward a royal prerogative as anyone has ever sought to enjoy. Thus it seems natural to wonder in what way Dante may possibly be conceived of as being similar to the wrathful king of Babylon. The entire commentary tradition observes only a single link: Nebuchadnezzar's displeasure and Dante's puzzlement are both finally relieved by (divinely inspired � see Trucchi on these verses [2]) external intervention on the part of Daniel, in the first case, and then of Beatrice. However, saying that is akin to associating Joseph Stalin and Mother Teresa on the nearly meaningless grounds that both were among the most famous people of their time. Why should Dante have cast himself as the tyrannical Babylonian ruler? That is a question that has only stirred the edges of the ponds in the commentaries and has never had a sufficient answer. If we turn to the work of my friend Lino Pertile, we find that he, after correctly noting the verbal playfulness of the tercet ("Fé... fé... l'avea fatto... fello" [we might want to compare Par. 7.10-12: "Io dubitava e dicea 'Dille, dille! / fra me, 'dille' dicea, 'a la mia donna / che mi diseta con le dolci stille'," an even more notably--and playfully--overwrought tercet]), characterizes this simile as being "hyperbolic and distracting rather than illuminating."[3] That is because Pertile, like almost everyone else (and perhaps understandably), believes that "Beatrice might reasonably be compared to Daniel, but the analogy between Dante's tongue-tying intellectual anxiety and Nebuchadnezzar's wrath is hardly fitting."[4] That, this writer must confess, was until very recently his own view of the matter.[5] However, if one looks in the Epistle to Cangrande (77-82), one finds a gloss to Par. 1.4-9 that is entirely germane here. And apparently, in the centuries of discussion of this passage, only G.R. Sarolli, in his entry "Nabuccodonosor" in the Enciclopedia dantesca[6], has noted the striking similarity in the two texts, going on to argue that such similarity serves as a further proof of the authenticity of the epistle.[7] In that passage Dante explains that his forgetting of his experience of the Empyrean (because he was lifted beyond normal human experience and could not retain his vision) has some egregious precursors: St. Paul, three of Jesus's disciples, Ezekiel (such visionary capacity certified by the testimony of Richard of St. Victor, St. Bernard, and St. Augustine); and then he turns to his own unworthiness to be included in such company (if not hesitating to insist on the fact that he had been the recipient of exactly the same sort of exalted vision): "Si vero in dispositionem elevationis tante propter peccatum loquentis oblatrarent, legant Danielem, ubi et Nabuchodonosor invenient contra peccatores aliqua vidisse divinitus, oblivionique mandasse" [But if on account of the sinfulness of the speaker (Dante himself, we want to remember) they should cry out against his claim to have reached such a height of exaltation, let them read Daniel, where they will find that even Nebuchadnezzar by divine permission beheld certain things as a warning to sinners, and straightway forgot them].[8] Dante, like the Babylonian king, has had a vision that was God-given, only to forget it. And now he is, Nebuchadnezzar-like, distraught; Beatrice, like the Hebrew prophet, restores his calm. It is worth observing that Dante's way of stating what Daniel accomplished is set forth in negative terms: He helped the king put off the wrath that had made him unjustly cruel; the poet does not say Daniel restored the dream, the loss of which caused the king to become angry with his wise men in the first place. But that is precisely what we are meant to conclude, as the text of the epistle makes still clearer. Thus the typological equation here is not otiose; Dante is the new Nebuchadnezzar in that both of them, if far from being holy men (indeed both were sinners), were nonetheless permitted access to visionary experience of God, only to be unable to retain their visions in memory. The king enters this perhaps unusual history, that of those who, less than morally worthy, forgot the divine revelation charitably extended to them, as the first forgetter; Dante, as the second. This is exactly the sort of spirited, self-conscious playfulness that we expect from this greatest of poets, who doubled as his own commentator. And that commentator, in the Epistle to Cangrande, was not only the first to deal with this passage but the only one to have got it right.[9] ________________________________________ [1] If one also considers Dante's other typological reference to the book of Daniel (6:22; see Mon. III.i.1), where Dante compares himself to the prophet in the lions' den, one quickly understands the non-binding nature of any particular identity in his series of self-definitions. See note 5 for his drawing attention to himself as David or as Uzzah, depending on the context in which he is working. [2] Ernesto Trucchi, comm. to Par. 4.13-15, DDP. [3] Lino Pertile, "Paradiso IV," in Dante's "Divine Comedy," Introductory Readings III: "Paradiso," ed. Tibor Wlassics ( Lectura Dantis [virginiana], 16-17, supplement, 1995), p. 50. [4] Ibid. [5] But see an earlier study of another figural construction in which Dante is observed connecting himself as antitype to an entirely negative precursor in surprisingly positive terms: Robert Hollander, "Dante as Uzzah? (Purg. X.57 and Epistle XI.9-12)," in Sotto il segno di Dante: Scritti in onore di Francesco Mazzoni, ed. L. Coglievina & D. De Robertis (Florence: Le Lettere, 1999), pp. 143-51. In that instance also the meaning of a passage in the poem is deepened by one in an epistle, if in that case the Latin text may have preceded the vernacular one, as is almost certainly not true in this. [6] ED IV, 1973, p. 1a. For an independent and similar argument (without reference to Sarolli's voce), see Albert Ascoli, "Dante after Dante," in Dante for the New Millennium, ed. T. Barolini and H.W. Storey (New York: Fordham University Press, 2003), pp. 358-59 & nn. [7] Sarolli continues, brushing aside the traditional commentator's explanation, which focuses on the Daniel/Beatrice typology by simply avoiding the Nebuchadnezzar/Dante one, to speculate that what is really at stake is the parallelism Babylonian wise men/Plato, a pairing that simply doesn't compute. (The wise men are not wrong; Plato is--or at least his ideas, in their raw form, are deeply culpable.) [8] Epistola XIII.81, ed. E. Pistelli (SDI, 1960); tr. P. Toynbee (both cited from the Princeton Dante Project). [9] Whatever doubt remains concerning the authenticity of the epistle has been effectively and considerably challenged by a recent study: Luca Azzetta, "Le chiose alla Commedia di Andrea Lancia, l'Epistola a Cangrande e altre questioni dantesche," L'Alighieri 21 (2003): 5-76. And we read further at: http://members.tripod.com/Snyder_AMDG/ImageMan.html An Image of Man Dante's Divine Comedy: Inferno, Canto XIV, Lines 103-116 What makes a man? According to nursery rhymes the ingredients include snips and snails and puppy dog tails; according to modern times the ingredients are dollars and bills, gold and silver. According to Dante, the image of every man is revealed in the fourteenth canto of the Inferno with the allegory of the "old man" beneath Mount Ida from whom the three mythological rivers spring, and who is made of gold, silver, bronze, iron and clay. But is this a man, this concoction of various elements? And is this everyman? Dante's answer would be 'yes,' followed by an injunction to 'look deeper.' Taking Dante's command to heart, the immediate parallelism of this "old man" is to King Nebuchadnezzar's dream in the second book of Daniel. Here, the man is similarly fashioned, with a head of gold, chest and arms of silver, a waist of bronze, and legs of iron. However, both the feet in the Biblical passage are of iron mixed with clay, while in Dante one foot is iron and the other is of clay. Daniel explains the various metals as the succession of empires after the "golden age" of Nebuchadnezzar. In the dream, a stone "cut out by no human hand (Daniel 2:34)" smites the base, cracking every layer of the statue. The image crumbles, blown away by the wind, and the stone becomes a mountain. Dante's man is likewise fissured, but no reason is given for the disfigurement. Here the golden head remains intact, and no mountain takes the place of the statue in the Inferno, but "from the splay/of that great rift run tears (Canto XIV, ln. 112-113)" which form three of the four mythological rivers: Acheron, Styx, and Phlegethon. The similarity between the two images is striking, and one must assume that Dante expected his Medieval audience to draw such an obvious connection. It remains to the reader to probe the deeper meanings. Biblical scholars have long held that Nebuchadnezzar's dream was not merely a prophecy about the King's own reign and the empires after him, but a foreshadowing of the Reign of God, as symbolized by the victorious mountain. In Dante's Divine Comedy, Christ has already come through Hell (Canto IV, ln. 52-63) and liberated the righteous - the stone has already cracked the statue and become a mountain. The Reign of God proclaimed by the Gospels and symbolized by the mountain has come to pass. In Dante's geography, the "great old man stands under the mountain's mass (Canto XIV, ln. 159)." This mountain may be either Calvary or Purgatory, both "ladders" to the Heavenly Kingdom. Daniel explains that the feet of the King's statue that are made of iron mixed with clay represents an ill-made empire that shall be a "divided kingdom" with "some of the firmness of iron…in it," that is "partly strong and partly brittle," "mix[ed] with one another in marriage, but they will not hold together (Daniel 2:41-43)." By separating the two substances so that one leg is iron and the other clay, Dante shows a more completely "divided kingdom." Some scholars have argued that this may represent or prefigure our own modern separation of church and state. Secular critics have made the case that the "right foot…baked of the earthen clay,/…the foot upon which he chiefly stands (Canto XIV, ln. 110-111)" is the Church herself, "weakened and corrupted by temporal concerns and political power struggles (Musa, 77)." This may certainly have been one of Dante's multilayered meanings, but is not necessarily the only allegory. The old man is mentioned as Virgil and Dante enter the Burning Sands after the Wood of the Suicides in Hell. These two rings are reserved for those violent against the Self (suicides), God (blasphemers), Nature (Sodomites) and Art (usurers). The iron foot is described in Daniel as that metal that "breaks to pieces and shatters all things…it crushes (Daniel 2:40)." Iron is the element associated with weaponry and war - a violent element appropriate to the circle of the violent. Clay, often used as a symbol for man's human frailty, may be one answer to the riddle of the right foot. The people in Hell fell because they relied on their own flawed humanity rather than the divine providence or intellect, which the unshattered golden head may symbolize. 6. Francesco Petrarch “Petrarch wrote “On Famous Men”, a series of biographies. He, as it were, ‘repeated’ the work of the 'ancient' Plutarch's – 'Parallel Lives'.” A. Fomenko and G. Nosovskiy This incredible parallel prompted me to write the article: Plutarch and Petrarch (4) Plutarch and Petrarch Petrarch is a highly important figure as a virtual founder of the Renaissance: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Petrarch Francesco Petrarca (Italian: [franˈtʃesko peˈtrarka]; July 20, 1304 – July 19, 1374), commonly anglicized as Petrarch (/ˈpiːtrɑːrk, ˈpɛtrɑːrk/), was an Italian scholar and poet in Renaissance Italy, who was one of the earliest humanists. His rediscovery of Cicero's letters is often credited with initiating the 14th-century Renaissance. …. Mackey’s comment: For a new angle on Cicero, see my: Ptolemy IX “Chickpea” and Cicero “Chickpea” https://www.academia.edu/32758739/Ptolemy_IX_Chickpea_and_Cicero_Chickpea_ The Wikipedia article continues: Petrarch is often considered the founder of Humanism.[1] In the 16th century, Pietro Bembo created the model for the modern Italian language based on Petrarch's works, as well as those of Giovanni Boccaccio, and, to a lesser extent, Dante Alighieri.[2] Petrarch would be later endorsed as a model for Italian style by the Accademia della Crusca. That radical pair of Russian mathematicians, A. Fomenko and G. Nosovskiy, whose historical revisions will often go right over the top, do have some interesting things to say, though, about Petrarch, who they believe was the same as Plutarch (How it was in Reality): http://chronologia.org/en/how_it_was/05_30.html …. 37. PLUTARCH AND PETRARCH. The researchers of Petrarch's work point out an oddity which is incomprehensible to them. Petrarch wrote many letters to his contemporaries. And in his Latin correspondence Petrarch strived - allegedly on purpose - TO OBSCURE THE REALITY OF THE MIDDLE AGES BY SUBSTITUTING IT WITH 'CLASSICAL ANTIQUTY'. When addressing his contemporaries, he used the ancient nicknames and names – Socrates, Laelius, Olympius, Simonides, etc. meaning that he wrote the way as if he 'lived in an ancient time'. We are told that he Latinised his letters on purpose, so they take assumed the form of antiquity. Even when talking of his own era, he 'disguised' it under the elegant drapery of the 'classically ancient'. …. today it is necessary to seriously consider a theory purporting that Petrarch purposefully disguised the Middle Ages as 'the classical antiquity'. Petrarch wrote "On Famous Men", a series of biographies. He, as it were, 'repeated' the work of the 'ancient' Plutarch's – 'Parallel Lives'. It is likely that PLUTARCH is simply another nickname of PETRARCH. As a result of the activities of recent chronologists Petrarch 'divaricated' on the pages of the chronicles. One of his reflections under the name of 'Plutarch' was moved into the deepest past. Approximately 1400 years back, as in the cases with Poggio Bracciolini and Alberti …. Almost all the characters of PETRARCH are public figures of 'classical' republican Rome: Lucius Junius Brutus, Publius Horatius Cocles, Camillus, Titus Manlius Torquatus, Fabricius, Quintus Fabius Maximus, Marcus Porcius Cato Major, Scipio Aemilianus Africanus, etc. Most likely, Petrarch - aka Plutarch – simply wrote the biographies of the personalities of his epoch. Only later the editors of the XVI-XVII cc. reviewed these life descriptions and shifted them into the deep past. …. And again, they write: https://endchan.xyz/.media/fba2af595c521ef8b1cfeea922f59b16-applicationpdf.pdf How Petrarch created the legend of the glorious Italian Rome out of nothing …. In 1974 the world celebrated 600 years since the death of Francesco Petrarch (1304-1374), the first prominent writer of the Middle Ages who, according to Leonardo Bruni, “had been the first who… could understand and bring into light the ancient elegance of the style that had been forlorn and forgotten before” ([927]). The actual personality of Petrarch is nowadays perceived as mysterious, vague and largely unclear, and reality often becomes rather obfuscated. But we are talking about the events of the XIV century here! The true dating of the texts ascribed to Petrarch often remains thoroughly unclear. Already an eminent poet, Petrarch entered the second period of his life – the period of wandering. In the alleged year of 1333 he travelled around France, Flanders and Germany. “During his European travels, Petrarch became directly acquainted with scientists, searching the libraries of various monasteries trying to find forgotten ancient manuscripts and studying the monuments to the past glory of Rome” ([644], page 59). Nowadays it is assumed that Petrarch became one of the first and most vehement advocates of the “ancient” authors who, as we are beginning to understand, were either his contemporaries, or preceded him by 100-200 years at the most. In 1337 he visited the Italian Rome for the first time ([644], page 59). What did he see there? Petrarch writes (if these are indeed his real letters, and not the result of subsequent editing), “Rome seemed even greater to me than I could have imagined – especially the greatness of her ruins” ([644]). Rome in particular and XIV century Italy in general had met Petrarch with an utter chaos of legends, from which the poet had selected the ones he considered congruent to his a priori opinion of “the greatness of Italian Rome.” Apparently, Petrarch was among those who initiated the legend of “the great ancient Italian Rome” without any solid basis. A significant amount of real mediaeval evidence of the correct history of Italy in the Middle Ages was rejected as “erroneous.” It would be of the utmost interest to study these “mediaeval anachronisms” considered preposterous nowadays, if only briefly. According to mediaeval legends, “Anthenor’s sepulchre” was located in Padua ([644]). In Milan, the statue of Hercules was worshipped. The inhabitants of Pisa claimed their town to have been founded by Pelopsus. The Venetians claimed Venice to have been built of the stones of the destroyed Troy! Achilles was supposed to have ruled in Abruzza, Diomedes in Apulia, Agamemnon in Sicily, Euandres in Piemont, Hercules in Calabria. Apollo was rumoured to have been an astrologer, the devil, and the god of the Saracens! Plato was considered a doctor, Cicero a knight and a troubadour, Virgil a mage who blocked the crater of the Vesuvius, etc. All of this is supposed to have taken place in the XIV century or even later! This chaos of information obviously irritated Petrarch, who had come to Rome already having an a priori idea of the “antiquity” of the Italian Rome. It is noteworthy that Petrarch left us no proof of the “antiquity of Rome” that he postulates. On the contrary, his letters – if they are indeed his real letters, and not later edited copies – paint an altogether different picture. Roughly speaking, it is as follows: Petrarch is convinced that there should be many “great buildings of ancient times” in Rome. He really finds none of those. He is confused and writes this about it: “Where are the thermae of Diocletian and Caracalla? Where is the Timbrium of Marius, the Septizonium and the thermae of Severus? Where is the forum of Augustus and the temple of Mars the Avenger? Where are the holy places of Jupiter the Thunder-Bearer on the Capitol and Apollo on the Palatine? Where is the portico of Apollo and the basilica of Caius and Lucius, where is the portico of Libya and the theatre of Marcellus? Where are the temple of Hercules and the Muses built by Marius Philip, and the temple of Diana built by Lucius Cornifacius? Where is the temple of Free Arts of Avinius Pollio, where is the theatre of Balbus, the Amphitheatre of Statilius Taurus? Where are the numerous constructions erected by Agrippa, of which only the Pantheon remains? Where are the splendorous palaces of the emperors? One finds everything in the books; when one tries to find them in the city, one discovers that they either disappeared [sic!] or that only the vaguest of their traces remain”. ([644]) These countless inquiries of “where” this or the other object might be, especially the final phrase, are amazing. They indicate clearly that Petrarch came to Italian Rome with an a priori certainty that the great Rome as described in the old books is the Italian Rome. As we are now beginning to understand, these books were most probably referring to the Rome on the Bosporus. However, in the early XIV century or even later, it was ordered to assume that the ancient manuscripts referred to Italian Rome. Petrarch had to find “field traces” of the “great Roman past” in Italy; he searched vigorously, found nothing, and was nervous about this fact. However, the letters attributed to Petrarch contain traces of Roman history that differs considerably from the history we are taught nowadays. For instance, Petrarch insists that the pyramid that is now considered “the Pyramid of Cestius” is really the sepulchre of Remus …. Could Petrarch have been correct? Really, Scaligerian history doesn’t know the location of the grave of the “ancient” Remus. …. 7. Avignon Exile “Especially significant was Petrarch's image of the Avignon papacy as the equal to the Babylonian Captivity, the idea that the popes lived in thrall just as the Israelites spent 70 years in captivity in Babylon, an image Martin Luther embraced with alacrity”. Matthew Bunson For centuries, now, comparisons have been drawn between the biblical Babylonian Captivity of 70 years duration and the Avignon Captivity of the Church in France of approximately the same length of time. At: https://www.gotquestions.org/Avignon-Papacy.html for instance, the question is asked: What was the Avignon Papacy / Babylonian Captivity of the Church? with the following answer being given: Answer: The Avignon Papacy was the time period in which the Roman Catholic pope resided in Avignon, France, instead of in Rome, from approximately 1309 to 1377. The Avignon Papacy is sometimes referred to as the Babylonian Captivity of the Church because it lasted nearly 70 years, which was the length of the Babylonian captivity of the Jews in the Bible (Jeremiah 29:10). There was significant conflict between King Philip IV of France and Pope Boniface VIII. When the pope who succeeded Boniface VIII, Benedict XI, died after an exceedingly short reign, there was an extremely contentious papal conclave that eventually decided on Clement V, from France, as the next pope. Clement decided to remain in France and established a new papal residence in Avignon, France, in 1309. The next six popes who succeeded him, all French, kept the papal enclave in Avignon. In 1376, Pope Gregory XI decided to move the papacy back to Rome due to the steadily increasing amount of power the French monarchy had developed over the papacy in its time in Avignon. However, when Gregory XI died, his successor, Urban VI, was rejected by much of Christendom. This resulted in a new line of popes in Avignon in opposition to the popes in Rome. In what became known as the Western Schism, some clergy supported the Avignon popes, and others supported the Roman popes. The Western Schism gave rise to the conciliar movement (conciliarism), in which ecumenical church councils claimed authority over the papacy. At the Council of Pisa in 1410, a new pope, Alexander V, was elected and ruled for ten months before being replaced by John XXIII. So, for a time, there were three claimants to the papacy: one in Rome, one in Avignon, and one in Pisa. At the Council of Constance in 1417, John XXIII was deposed, Gregory XII of Rome was forced to resign, the Avignon popes were declared to be “antipopes,” and Pope Martin V was elected as the new pope in Rome. These decisions were accepted by the vast majority of Christendom, and so the Western Schism was ended, although there were various men claiming to be the pope in France until 1437. …. And again at: https://www.catholicculture.org/culture/library/view.cfm?recnum=8903 we read: The great Italian humanist and poet Petrarch wrote of the popes during the so-called Avignon Papacy: Now I am living in France, in the Babylon of the West . . . Here reign the successors of the poor fishermen of Galilee; they have strangely forgotten their origin. I am astounded, as I recall their predecessors, to see these men loaded with gold and clad in purple, boasting of the spoils of princes and nations; to see luxurious palaces and heights crowned with fortifications, instead of a boat turned downward for shelter. These pontiffs — all of them French — resided at Avignon, France, instead of Rome, from 1309 to 1377. The letters of Petrarch were a reflection of his own dislike for Avignon and his desire to see the popes return to the Eternal City. But Petrarch's harsh caricature of the popes also has served as ammunition for writers, critics, and heretics ever since. Especially significant was Petrarch's image of the Avignon papacy as the equal to the Babylonian Captivity, the idea that the popes lived in thrall just as the Israelites spent 70 years in captivity in Babylon, an image Martin Luther embraced with alacrity. …. [End of quote]