Monday, March 24, 2025

POPE FRANCIS ON THE ANNUNCIATION OF THE LORD

HOMILY OF HIS HOLINESS POPE FRANCIS Vatican Basilica Friday, 25 March 2022 ___________________________ In the Gospel reading for today’s Solemnity, the angel Gabriel speaks three times in addressing the Virgin Mary. The first is when he greets her and says, “Rejoice, full of grace, the Lord is with you” (Lk 1:28). The reason to rejoice, the reason for joy, is revealed in those few words: the Lord is with you. Dear brother, dear sister, today you can hear those words addressed to you. You can make them your own each time you approach God’s forgiveness, for there the Lord tells you, “I am with you”. All too often, we think that Confession is about going to God with dejected looks. Yet it is not so much that we go to the Lord, but that he comes to us, to fill us with his grace, to fill us with his joy. Our confession gives the Father the joy of raising us up once more. It is not so much about our sins as about his forgiveness. Our sins are present but the forgiveness of God is always at the heart of our confession. Think about it: if our sins were at the heart of the sacrament, almost everything would depend on us, on our repentance, our efforts, our resolves. Far from it. The sacrament is about God, who liberates us and puts us back on our feet. Let us recognize once more the primacy of grace and ask for the gift to realize that Reconciliation is not primarily our drawing near to God, but his embrace that enfolds, astonishes and overwhelms us. The Lord enters our home, as he did that of Mary in Nazareth, and brings us unexpected amazement and joy – the joy of forgiveness. Let us first look at things from God’s perspective: then we will rediscover our love for Confession. We need this, for every interior rebirth, every spiritual renewal, starts there, from God’s forgiveness. May we not neglect Reconciliation, but rediscover it as the sacrament of joy. Yes, the sacrament of joy, for our shame for our sins becomes the occasion for an experience of the warm embrace of the Father, the gentle strength of Jesus who heals us, and the “maternal tenderness” of the Holy Spirit. That is the heart of Confession. Dear brothers and sisters, let us go forth and receive forgiveness. And you, dear brother priests who are ministers of God’s forgiveness, offer to those who approach you the joy of this proclamation: Rejoice, the Lord is with you. Please set aside rigidity, obstacles and harshness; may you be doors wide open to mercy! Especially in Confession, we are called to act in the person of the Good Shepherd who takes his sheep into his arms and cradles them. We are called to be channels of grace that pour forth the living water of the Father’s mercy on hearts grown arid. If a priest does not approach Confession with this attitude, it would be better for him to refrain from celebrating the sacrament. A second time the angel speaks to Mary. She was troubled by his greeting, and so he tells her, “Do not be afraid” (v. 30). The first time he says, “The Lord is with you”. Now, the second time, he says “Do not be afraid”. In the Scriptures, whenever God appears to those who receive him, he loves to utter those words: Do not be afraid! He says them to Abraham (cf. Gen 15:1), repeats them to Isaac (cf. Gen 26:24), to Jacob (cf. Gen 46:3) and so on, up to Joseph (cf. Mt 1:20) and Mary. Do not be afraid! In this way, he sends us a clear and comforting message: once our lives are open to God, fear can no longer hold us in thrall. For fear can truly hold us in thrall. You, dear sister, dear brother, if your sins frighten you, if your past worries you, if your wounds do not heal, if your constant failings dishearten you and you seem to have lost hope, please, do not be afraid. God knows your weaknesses and is greater than your mistakes. God is greater than our sins. He asks of you only one thing: that you not hold your frailties and sufferings inside. Bring them to him, lay them before him and, from being reasons for despair, they will become opportunities for resurrection. Do not be afraid! The Lords asks us for our sins. This brings to mind the story of a monk in the desert. He had given everything to God and lived a life of fasting, penance and prayer. The Lord asked for more. “Lord, I gave you everything”, said the monk, “what more is there?” The Lord replied, “Give me yours sins”. Do not be afraid! The Blessed Virgin Mary accompanies us: she cast her own anxiety upon God. The angel’s proclamation gave her good reason to be afraid. He proposed to her something unimaginable and beyond her abilities, something that she could not handle alone: there would be too many difficulties, problems with the Mosaic law, with Joseph, with the citizens of her town and with her people. Yet Mary did not object. Those words – do not be afraid – were sufficient for her; God’s reassurance was enough for her. She clung to him, as we want to do tonight. Yet so often we do the exact opposite. We start from our own certainties and, when we lose them, we turn to God. Our Lady, on the other hand, teaches us to start from God, trusting that in this way everything else will be given to us (cf. Mt 6:33). She invites us to go to the source, to the Lord, who is the ultimate remedy against fear and emptiness in life. There is a lovely phrase written above a confessional here in the Vatican that reminds us of this. It addresses God with these words, “To turn away from you is to fall, to turn back to you is to rise, to abide in you is to have life” (cf. SAINT AUGUSTINE, Soliloquies I, 3). In these days, news reports and scenes of death continue to enter our homes, even as bombs are destroying the homes of many of our defenceless Ukrainian brothers and sisters. The vicious war that has overtaken so many people, and caused suffering to all, has made each of us fearful and anxious. We sense our helplessness and our inadequacy. We need to be told, “Do not be afraid”. Yet human reassurance is not enough. We need the closeness of God and the certainty of his forgiveness, which alone eliminates evil, disarms resentment and restores peace to our hearts. Let us return to God and to his forgiveness. A third time the angel speaks to Mary and says, “The Holy Spirit will come upon you” (Lk 1:35). Again, the first time he says, “The Lord is with you”. The second time his words are, “Do not be afraid”. Now, he says, “The Holy Spirit will come upon you”. That is how God intervenes in history: by giving his very Spirit. For in the things that matter, our own strength is not enough. By ourselves, we cannot succeed in resolving the contradictions of history or even those of our own hearts. We need the wisdom and gentle power of God that is the Holy Spirit. We need the Spirit of love who dispels hatred, soothes bitterness, extinguishes greed and rouses us from indifference. The Spirit gives us concord because he is concord. We need God’s love, for our love is fragile and insufficient. We ask the Lord for many things, but how often we forget to ask him for what is most important and what he desires most to give us: the Holy Spirit, the power to love. Indeed, without love, what can we offer to the world? It has been said that a Christian without love is like a needle that does not sew: it stings, it wounds, and if it fails to sew, weave or patch, then it is useless. I would dare to say that this person is not a Christian. This is why we need to find in God’s forgiveness the power of love: the same Spirit who descended upon Mary. If we want the world to change, then first our hearts must change. For this to happen, let us allow Our Lady to take us by the hand. Let us gaze upon her Immaculate Heart in which God dwelt, “our tainted nature’s solitary boast”. Mary is “full of grace” (v. 28), and thus free from sin. In her, there is no trace of evil and hence, with her, God was able to begin a new story of salvation and peace. There, in her, history took a turn. God changed history by knocking at the door of Mary’s heart. Today, renewed by forgiveness, may we too knock at the door of her immaculate heart. In union with the Bishops and faithful of the world, I desire in a solemn way to bring all that we are presently experiencing to the Immaculate Heart of Mary. I wish to renew to her the consecration of the Church and the whole of humanity, and to consecrate to her in a particular way the Ukrainian people and the Russian people who, with filial affection, venerate her as a Mother. This is no magic formula but a spiritual act. It is an act of complete trust on the part of children who, amid the tribulation of this cruel and senseless war that threatens our world, turn to their Mother. It is like what young children do when they are scared; they turn to their mother for protection. We turn to our Mother, reposing all our fears and pain in her heart and abandoning ourselves to her. It means placing in that pure and undefiled heart, where God is mirrored, the inestimable goods of fraternity and peace, all that we have and are, so that she, the Mother whom the Lord has given us, may protect us and watch over us. Mary then uttered the most beautiful words that the angel could bring back to God: “Let it be to me according to your word” (v. 38). Hers was no passive or resigned acceptance, but a lively desire to obey God, who has “plans for welfare and not for evil” (Jer 29:11). Hers was the most intimate sharing in God’s plan of peace for the world. We consecrate ourselves to Mary in order to enter into this plan, to place ourselves fully at the disposal of God’s plans. After having uttered her “Fiat”, the Mother of God set out on a long journey to the hill country, to visit a relative who was with child (cf. Lk 1:39). She went with haste. I like to think of this image of Our Lady going with haste. She comes with haste to help and take care of us. May she now take our own journey into her hands: may she guide our steps through the steep and arduous paths of fraternity and dialogue, along the way of peace. https://www.vatican.va/content/francesco/en/homilies/2022/documents/20220325_omelia-penitenza.html

Tuesday, March 18, 2025

Angelic salutation: Hail Mary

One day Saint Gertrude had a vision of Our Lord counting gold coins. She summoned the courage to ask Him what He was doing. He answered: ‘I am counting the Hail Marys that you have said; this is the money with which you can pay your way to Heaven’. https://www.motherofallpeoples.com/post/heaven-s-greatest-invitation Saint Louis de Montfort - Heaven’s Greatest Invitation Updated: May 30, 2020 The Angelic Salutation is so heavenly and so beyond us in its depth of meaning that Blessed Alan de la Roche held that no mere creature could ever possibly understand it, and that only Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ Who was born of the Blessed Virgin Mary can really explain it. Its enormous value is due first of all to Our Lady to whom it was addressed, to the purpose of the Incarnation of the Word for which reason this prayer was brought from heaven, and also to the Archangel Gabriel who was the first ever to say it. The Angelic Salutation is a most concise summary of all that Catholic theology teaches about the Blessed Virgin. It is divided into two parts, that of praise and petition: the first shows all that goes to make up Mary’s greatness and the second all that we need to ask her for and all that we may expect to receive through her goodness. The Most Blessed Trinity revealed the first part of it to us and the latter part was added by Saint Elizabeth who was inspired by the Holy Spirit. Holy Mother Church gave us the conclusion in the year 430 when she condemned the Nestorian heresy at the council of Ephesus and defined that the Blessed Virgin is truly the Mother of God. At this time she ordered us to pray to Our Lady under this glorious title by saying: “Holy Mary, Mother of God, pray for us sinners, now, and at the hour of our death.” The greatest event in the whole history of the world was the Incarnation of the Eternal Word by Whom the world was redeemed and peace was restored between God and men. Our Lady was chosen as His instrument for this tremendous event and it was put into effect when she was greeted with the Angelic Salutation. The Archangel Gabriel, one of the leading princes of the heavenly court, was chosen as ambassador to bear these glad tidings. In the Angelic Salutation can be seen the faith and hope of the patriarchs, the prophets and the apostles. Furthermore it gives to martyrs their unswerving constancy and strength, it is the wisdom of the doctors of the Church, the perseverance of holy confessors and the life of all religious (Blessed Alan de la Roche). It is also the new hymn of the law of grace, the joy of angels and men, and the hymn which terrifies devils and puts them to shame. By the Angelic Salutation God became man, a virgin became the Mother of God, the souls of the just were delivered from Limbo, the empty thrones in heaven filled. In addition sin was forgiven, grace was given to us, sick people were made well, the dead were brought back to life, exiles were brought home, and the anger of the Most Blessed Trinity was appeased and men obtained eternal life. Finally, the Angelic Salutation is a rainbow in the heavens, a sign of the mercy and grace which God has given to the world (Blessed Alan da la Roche). The Hail Mary—Beauty Even though there is nothing so great as the majesty of God and nothing so low as man insofar as he is a sinner, Almighty God does not despise our poor prayers. On the contrary, He is pleased when we sing His praises. Saint Gabriel’s greeting to Our Lady is one of the most beautiful hymns which we can possibly sing to the glory of the Most High. “I will sing a new song to you” (Ps. 143:9). This new hymn which David foretold was to be sung at the coming of the Messiah is none other than the Angelic Salutation. There is an old hymn and a new hymn: the first is that which the Jews sang out of gratitude to God for creating them and maintaining them in existence—for delivering them from captivity and leading them safely through the Red Sea—for giving them manna to eat and for all His other blessings. The new hymn is that which Christians sing in thanksgiving for the graces of the Incarnation and the Redemption. As these marvels were brought about by the Angelic Salutation, so also do we repeat the same salutation to thank the Most Blessed Trinity for His immeasurable goodness to us. We praise God the Father because He so loved the world that He gave us His only Son as our Savior. We bless the Son because He deigned to leave heaven and come down upon earth—because he was made man and redeemed us. We glorify the Holy Spirit because He formed Our Lord’s pure Body in Our Lady’s Womb—this Body which was the Victim of our sins. In this spirit of deep thankfulness should we, then, always say the Hail Mary, making acts of faith, hope, love and thanksgiving for the priceless gift of salvation. …. Although this new hymn is in praise of the Mother of God and is sung directly to her, nevertheless it greatly glorifies the Most Blessed Trinity because any homage that we pay Our Lady returns inevitably to God Who is the cause of all her virtues and perfections. When we honor Our Lady: God the Father is glorified because we are honoring the most perfect of His creatures; God the Son is glorified because we are praising His most pure Mother, and God the Holy Spirit is glorified because we are lost in admiration at the graces with which He has filled His Spouse. When we praise and bless Our Lady by saying the Angelic Salutation she always passes on these praises to Almighty God in the same way as she did when she was praised by Saint Elizabeth. The latter blessed her in her most elevated dignity as Mother of God and Our Lady immediately returned these praises to God by her beautiful Magnificat. Just as the Angelic Salutation gives glory to the Blessed Trinity, it is also the very highest praise that we can give Our Lady. One day when Saint Mechtilde was praying and was trying to think of some way in which she could express her love of the Blessed Mother better than she had done before, she fell into ecstasy. Our Lady appeared to her with the Angelic Salutation in flaming letters of gold upon her bosom and said to her: My daughter, I want you to know that no one can please me more than by saying the salutation which the Most Adorable Trinity sent to me and by which He raised me to the dignity of Mother of God. By the word Ave (which is the name Eve, Eva), I learned that in His infinite power God had preserved me from all sin and its attendant misery which the first woman had been subject to. The name Mary which means “lady of light” shows that God has filled me with wisdom and light, like a shining star, to light up heaven and earth. The words full of grace remind me that the Holy Spirit has showered so many graces upon me that I am able to give these graces in abundance to those who ask for them through me as Mediatrix. When people say The Lord is with thee they renew the indescribable joy that was mine when the Eternal Word became incarnate in my womb. When you say to me blessed art thou among women I praise Almighty God’s divine mercy which lifted me to this exalted plane of happiness. And at the words blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus, the whole of heaven rejoices with me to see my Son Jesus Christ adored and glorified for having saved mankind. The Hail Mary—Fruits …. The Hail Mary is a blessed dew that falls from heaven upon the souls of the predestinate. It gives them a marvelous spiritual fertility so that they can grow in all virtues. The more the garden of the soul is watered by this prayer the more enlightened one’s intellect becomes, the more zealous his heart, and the stronger his armor against his spiritual enemies. The Hail Mary is a sharp and flaming shaft which, joined to the Word of God, gives the preacher the strength to pierce, move and convert the most hardened hearts even if he has little or no natural gift for preaching. The Hail Mary—Blessings This heavenly salutation draws down upon us the blessings of Jesus and Mary in abundance, for it is an infallible truth that Jesus and Mary reward in a marvelous way those who glorify them. They repay us a hundredfold for the praises that we give them. “I love them that love me … that I may enrich them that love me and fill their treasures” (Prov. 8:17, 21). Jesus and Mary have always said: “We love those who love us; we enrich them and fill their treasuries to overflowing.” “He who soweth in blessings, shall also reap blessings” (Cor. 9:6). Now, if we say the Hail Mary properly, is not this a way to love, bless and glorify Jesus and Mary? In each Hail Mary we bless both Jesus and Mary: “Blessed art thou among women, and blessed is the fruit of thy womb, Jesus.” By each Hail Mary we give Our Lady the same honor that God gave her when He sent the Archangel Gabriel to greet her for Him. How could anyone possibly think that Jesus and Mary, who often do good to those that curse them, could ever curse those that bless and honor them by the Hail Mary? ….

Monday, March 17, 2025

Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’, emperor Hadrian and Julian ‘the Apostate’

by Damien F. Mackey “Antiochus Epiphanes thought nothing was more certain than that he would annihilate the Jewish nation. Julian the Apostate convinced himself that it was already in his power to uproot the Christian religion”. Herman J. Selderhuis (ed.) This is a quote from the book, Psalms 1-72 (p. 14). If Julian ‘the Apostate’ bears comparison, at least to some extent, with the emperor Hadrian: “… Julian … and Hadrian were both 'full of zeal for idolatry', 'superstitious […] astrologers wanting to know everything, so constantly inquisitive as to be accused of magic'.” then I might expect, also, some useful comparisons of this Julian with emperor Hadrian’s alter ego, king Antiochus IV ‘Epiphanes’, as according to my series: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Emperor Hadrian. Part One: “… a mirror image” https://www.academia.edu/32734925/Antiochus_Epiphanes_and_Emperor_Hadrian._Part_One_a_mirror_image_ and: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Emperor Hadrian. Part Two: “Hadrian … a second Antiochus” https://www.academia.edu/35538588/Antiochus_Epiphanes_and_Emperor_Hadrian._Part_Two_Hadrian_a_second_Antiochus_ Collin Garbarino talks about “an appropriation of the past” - {appropriation being a word I have been much inclined to use for when I consider pagans to have borrowed from the Hebrew scriptures but claimed the material as their own} - by Christian writers of the Maccabean period (“Resurrecting the martyrs: the role of the Cult of the Saints, A.D. 370-430”, 2010). Though, according to my radical revision of the Maccabees in relation to the Herodian era, the Maccabean martyrs at the time of Antiochus IV ‘Epiphanes’ fall right into the period of the Infancy of Jesus Christ. See also my article: Hadrianic patterns of martyrdom (7) Hadrianic patterns of martyrdom | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Garbarino writes (emphasis added): https://digitalcommons.lsu.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=2348&context=gradschool_dissertations This appropriation of the past could even reach back farther than the time of Christ [sic]. During this expansion of the cult of martyrs in the fourth century, bishops began venerating the Maccabeans who died in the Seleucid persecutions of the 160s BC. The various books of Maccabees describe the deaths of faithful Jews at the hands of Seleucid oppressors because of their refusal to abandon the Torah. These stories contain many of the same elements that later characterized Christian martyrologies: trials designed to cause apostasy, tortures and promises given by the magistrate, and a confession of continued faith in God. In light of these commonalities, it is surprising that Christian communities did not adopt these Jewish saints earlier. The earliest extant evidence of Christians honoring the Maccabean martyrs is Gregory of Nazianzus’s Homily 15, On the Maccabees. …. Gregory probably preached this sermon in 362, during the reign of Julian the Apostate. …. He used the Maccabean situation to criticize in a veiled manner the anti-Christian policies of the emperor. In the sermon, he explicitly says that very few Christian communities honor these martyrs because their deaths predated Christ. …. Gregory, however, found their cult useful for promoting Christianization, and this sermon acts as a turning point for the Maccabees. Martha Vinson writes, “Before this sermon, the Maccabees are merely faces in a crowd of Old Testament exempla ... while after it, as the homiletic literature from the last decades from the fourth century attests, they have been singled out from the pack as the sole beneficiaries not only of encomia but of a well-established cult.” …. By the year 400, the Maccabees were being honored as Christian martyrs by preachers around the Mediterranean. [End of quote] Barry Phillips will write in a footnote (p. 129, n. 19) to his article “Antiochus IV, Epiphanes” (Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 29, No. 2, 1910): Dan. 11 st: " And arms shall stand on his part, and they shall pollute the sanctuary of strength, and shall take away the daily sacrifice, and they shall place the abomination that maketh desolate." Cf. 8 12 9 27 12 11, 1 Macc. 1 54, 2 Macc. 6 2. Hoffman, Antiochus Epiphanes, p. 80, essays to compare Antiochus and Julian. In so far as the ideas of both were out of harmony with the spirit of the times, there is an apparent similarity between the persecutions of Antiochus and of Julian, far less, however, than the dissimilarity, owing to the fact that whereas Julian sought the extinction of Christianity as an end, Antiochus sought the extinction of Judaism but as a means to an end. Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Julian ‘the Apostate’ are similarly likened to the Antichrist. For instance, Stephen J. Vicchio tells of Cardinal Newman’s view in Vicchio’s The Legend of the Anti-Christ: A History, p. 314): “Newman goes on in the first advent sermon on the Anti-Christ to argue that some of these historical figures have been Antiochus IV Epiphanes and Julian, “who attempted to overthrow the Church by craft and introduce paganism back again …”. We shall conclude, still on an antichrist type, the “666” of Revelation, with Reginald Rabett’s comment (in GLateinos@; Lateinos; or, The only proper and appellative name of the man, p. 138): For example — If we were to speak of the Emperor JULIAN who is proverbially and emphatically styled THE APOSTATE, yet it would be necessary to use the Name - Julian - because it is the Proper Name of this Man; for were we to omit his Name, no one would of a certainty conclude that Julian the Apostate was meant; but probably Antiochus Epiphanès might be intended .... Some comparisons follow between Hadrian, his reign conventionally dated to c. 117-138 AD - but I have re-dated him to the Maccabean era: Time to consider Hadrian, that ‘mirror-image’ of Antiochus Epiphanes, as also the census emperor Augustus (4) Time to consider Hadrian, that 'mirror-image' of Antiochus 'Epiphanes', as also the census emperor Augustus | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu - and Julian ‘the Apostate’, his reign conventionally dated to c. 361-363 AD. From Emperor and Author: The Writings of Julian 'the Apostate', p. 307 (edited by Nicholas J. Baker-Brian, Shaun Tougher): What [Jean-Philippe-Rene de] La Bletterie says of Julian as Caesars' author differs markedly from his earlier characterization of him as emperor at the start of his 1735 biography; there, he represents Julian as … a ruler driven by 'an uncontrolled passion for glory' – one who pursued his policies with 'a kind of fanaticism', and who was not free of 'the faults which [his] amour propre perceive[d] only in others'. …. Just what La Bletterie was thinking of, on that last count, can be inferred from his note on the passage in Caesars in which Hadrian is teased as a star-gazer who was forever prying into ineffable mysteries (311d). La Bletterie was prompted to remark that much the same could be said of Julian: he and Hadrian were both 'full of zeal for idolatry', 'superstitious […] astrologers wanting to know everything, so constantly inquisitive as to be accused of magic'. And the likeness did not end there: Julian, assuredly, 'did not have the infamous [homosexual] vices of Hadrian […], but he had almost all his [other] faults and absurdities'; both of them were ‘fickle, obstinate, and vain of soul’…. Moreover, at one point in his comparison of Julian with Hadrian, La Bletterie entertains a possibility which would imply a very hostile view indeed of Julian: 'they both passed very wise laws and performed many merciful actions; but Hadrian seemed cruel sometimes, and some say that [“l'on dit que”] Julian was only humane out of vanity'. …. [End of quote] Again, we read at: http://www.twcenter.net/forums/showthread.php?660191-Julian-the-Apostate-the-most-fascinating-quot-what-if-quot-in-late-Roman-history “Julian is often compared in character to Marcus Aurelius and Hadrian, indeed he is very much a blend of the two. He combines Hadrian's philhellenism with Marcus Aurelius' Stoicism, scholasticism, and militaristic determination”. From Ammianus Marcellinus, p. 309, by Gavin Kelly: “Ammianus …. rejects the comparison chosen by Valentinian's partisans to Aurelian .... He compares him to Hadrian in his depreciation of the well-dressed, the learned, the wealthy, the noble, the brave, 'so that he alone should appear to excel in fine abilities' (ut solus uideretur bonis artibus eminere, 30.8.10); Julian too had been compared to Hadrian in one of his faults .... His tendency towards timorousness is described …”. From Emperors and Historiography: Collected Essays on the Literature of the Roman ..., p. 315, by Daniel den Hengst: “… divination was practiced in an uncontrolled and lawless way affectata varietate, that is to say with overzealous efforts to practice all forms of divinatio. In the necrology Ammianus compares Julian to Hadrian in this respect. By doing so he harks back again to his description of Julian in Antioch, where Julian is characterized in this context as multorum curiosior. …. In this case, Julian may have been plagued by curiositas, but he shared this vice with a great predecessor [sic]. …. Hellenistically inclined Julian ‘the Apostate’ Like Herod ‘the Great’ “Julian is also compared with Herod, as wise men whose behaviour is not particularly wise: "Yet is it not all kinde of learning or wisedome which is availeable for the true happinesse of a King or Kingdome (as may appeare in the miserable ends of Herod, and Iulian the Apostate, both in their kindes wise and learned) but wise behavior in a perfect way, that is, Wisdom mixed with Piety, guided by Religion, and sanctified with Grace".” Hakewill 50 On some particular likenesses between Julian and Herod, Manolis Papoutsakis has written (Vicarious Kingship: A Theme in Syriac Political Theology in Late Antiquity): Accordingly, Julian is identified with Herod the Great a “foreigner” and, by implication (cf. Deut 17:15), a “usurper” of the Judahite throne: Herod's disruption of the legitimate line of kings resulted in the adventus of Christ, who came in order to reclaim His Judahite inheritance, that is, the Royal Office (malkutá). In his verses against Julian, Ephrem elaborates upon the Julian/Herod comparison by forcefully reading 2 Thess 2:3 into the cluster consisting of Gen 49:10 a-b and Matthew 2. As a result, Julian, a “Herodian” king who disrupted the dynasty of Constantine, the new David”, is appositely presented as a θεομάχος and is implicitly identified with the Antichrist-figure par excellence, namely, the Apostate at 2 Thess 2:3 …. In GREGORY NAZIANZEN'S FIRST INVECTIVE AGAINST JULIAN THE EMPEROR, we read: http://www.tertullian.org/fathers/gregory_nazianzen_2_oration4.htm “Thou persecutor next … to Herod, thou traitor next to Judas, except so far as not ending thy life with, a halter, as he did; thou murderer of Christ next to Pilate; thou hater of God next to the Jews!” In Jacobus de Voragine’s The Golden Legend: Lives of the Saints, we read this comment regarding Julian and a Herod (this time, though, not ‘the Great’, but Herod Antipas): “Then Julian the apostate commanded that [John the Baptist’s] bones should be burnt. …. And like as Herod which beheaded him was punished for his trespass, so Julian the apostate was smitten with divine vengeance of God …”. Julian has been likened, in his death, to “Herod”, and to “Antiochus”: https://www.lostplays.org/lpd/Julian_the_Apostate Robert Albott reports that "Iulian the Apostate, at his death cast vp his blood into the ayre, crying Vicisti Galilaee" …. This reluctant acknowledgement that Christianity was to become the dominant religion of the Roman empire is a point frequently related in references to Julian. Henry Burton notes: "And as Iulian the Apostate, pulling the mortall dart out of his bowels, though therein he saw and felt the hand of Divine revenge, yet he vttered his confession thereof with the voyce of blasphemy, Vicisti Galilaee: and so breathed out his blasphemous spirit in a desperat impenitency" …. Stephen Jerome similarly observes how "as you haue heard the godly praying, or praysing and blessing GOD, speaking graciously, sending out their spirits ioyfully, and dying comfortably: so prophane men dye eyther carelesly and blockishly," and relates that Julian the Apostate "in his last act of life, from his infected lungs sent out venome against Christ, calling him in dirision, victorious Galilean" …. He also provides some early modern context for how Julian was perceived, citing "the examples of … Herod … Antiochus …”. Adrian Scaife writes (“Julian the Apostle: The Emperor who “Brought Piety as it Were Back from Exile”.” pp. 113, 118-119): …. it is still worth looking at Julian’s political platform, as it is fundamentally intertwined with his program of religious reform. Susanna Elm (2012) summarizes his efforts into three primary categories: “logoi, hiera, and the polis—Greek language and culture, its gods and all things sacred, and the city as the physical locus of Greek culture, government and religion”— and each would be amended by refocusing Roman culture around classical paideia (5). …. The allegories also contributed to a growing theurgical framework in Julian’s new paganism whereby the adherent could create a spiritual connection with the divine (a process that began in To the Cynic Heracleius), imitating the most humanistic aspect of the Christian faith (Athanassiadi 2015, 136). Once again the shadow of Christianity looms: Julian drew from the established practices of a Greek philosophical movement to produce a religious handbook of sorts that offered spiritual advice by way of allegories—a result openly reminiscent of Christian scripture/scriptural interpretation. Meanwhile, the Hymn to King Helios pulled explicitly from Mithraism in anointing the sun-god as the central divine force. But Julian managed to incorporate the traditional pantheon of gods, too, by assigning each of the Hellenic gods an aspect of the larger Mithraic figurehead. In one typical fusion, Julian writes, “Among the intellectual gods, Helios and Zeus have a joint or rather a single sovereignty” (Hymn to King Helios, 136A-B). He continues through the pantheon one-by-one, drawing from the inspiration of Plato, Homer, Hesiod, and others to assign the various parts of the whole that is Helios: Aphrodite accounts for Helios’ creative function; Athena embodies pure intellect; and so on (Hymn to King Helios, 138A ff). The unity of the various traditional gods into the “One” can be seen as a reflection of the Christian model Julian’s uncle first established, but it also embodies the central tenet of Neoplatonism (Athanassiadi 2015, 160). In that sense, Julian simultaneously achieved a complex synthesis of a theurgical Mithraism, the Platonic form, and traditional Hellenic mythology. The emperor’s religious program, responding to unique obstacles of Late Antiquity, accounted for the diverse local mythical legacies that were so important to civic identity and established a divinity embodying the shared Romanitas of a united Hellenic empire. ….

Thursday, March 6, 2025

Puzzling why those very prolific writing Essenes are not ever mentioned in Bible

Part One: Who exactly were the mysterious Essenes? by Damien F. Mackey “[Marvin] Vining contends that the Essenes were the scribes in the Gospels, the ones whom Jesus said sat in Moses’ seat in Matthew 23”. James Bradford Pate Why are not the Essenes, a most prominent religious group in Palestine, ever referred to in the Bible, at least under the name of ‘Essenes’? This is a burning question repeatedly asked by Marvin Vining, an Anabaptist-Methodist, in his book, Jesus the Wicked Priest: How Christianity Was Born of an Essene Schism (Rochester, Vermont: Bear and Company, 2008). Who were these Essenes? And what were their origins? Some have argued that the Essenes were the strict warrior-group, the Hasidaeans, in the Maccabean times. “Dr. J. L. Teicher, himself a Jew and a distinguished Cambridge scholar”, on the other hand, “went so far as to argue that the Dead Sea manuscripts “are quite simply Christian documents”.” (Ahmed Osman, Christianity: An Ancient Egyptian Religion). Likewise, Osman himself attempted to connect Jesus and his followers to the Essenes (ibid.): “The very name “Essenes” indicates that they were followers of Jesus”. Whilst Marvin Vining will clearly show that a lot of Jesus’s teaching, and anger, were directed against the extreme doctrines of the Essenes - who could not therefore have been Jesus’s early followers - a Hasidaean origin does not seem to me to be too far-fetched at all, especially given my view that the Maccabean times overlap with the life of Jesus Christ - that Gamaliel’s Judas the Galilean, at the time of the census (Acts 5:37), was none other than Judas Maccabeus. Marvin Vining, however, not only asks the most relevant question, but he also seeks to answer it. We read for instance in this post about Vining’s conclusion: Book Write-Up: Jesus the Wicked Priest Posted on November 4, 2013by jamesbradfordpate https://jamesbradfordpate.wordpress.com/2013/11/04/book-write-up-jesus-the-wicked-priest/ Vining argues that the Essenes had the power to contribute to Jesus’ death because they had clout with Herod, according to Josephus, plus they had influence on Jewish halakah, for Vining contends that the Essenes were the scribes in the Gospels, the ones whom Jesus said sat in Moses’ seat in Matthew 23. (After all, Vining argues, did not the Essenes engage in a lot of scribal activity, since they produced the Dead Sea Scrolls?) Vining also notes that, while the Mishnah does not prescribe crucifixion, the Dead Sea Scrolls did, and so Jesus’ crucifixion was probably due to Essene influence. [End of quote] "... the Essenes were the scribes in the Gospels ...", a hugely significant group. I must admit that I did not have great confidence that Marvin Vining would arrive at the correct answer, given some of his other identifications. He, for instance, thinks that the angel Gabriel, who announced the birth of John the Baptist to his father, Zechariah (Luke 1:11-13), was actually the Jewish High Priest. I also would not be able to accept Vining’s thesis, his book’s title, of Jesus as the Wicked Priest. Firstly, it is unlikely that a strict Jewish sect would have recognised Jesus as a priest at all. However, Marvin Vining has, to my satisfaction at least, worked out what so many others before him have been unable to do. To identify precisely who were the Essenes, a group un-mentioned in the Bible under that name. I do not think that I would ever have been able to reach this conclusion, which seems so obvious once it has been properly explained, as Vining manages to do. This does not mean that I can agree with various other of the book's major conclusions - though finding it all highly informative. Unfortunately, there are some wild conclusions (so I think) also reached in the book. For example, that Gabriel who announced the birth of John the Baptist to his father, Zechariah, was the High Priest. I also very much reject one of his main lines of arguments, that Jesus was originally an Essene, but split and caused a schism. I was happily surprised to find the author so convincingly identify the group that has been such a conundrum to scholars for so long: the Essenes. Part Two: Menelaus could well have been the ‘Wicked Priest’ Steven A. Fisdel’s book, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Understanding Their Spiritual Message, locates the origins of Essenism firmly within the context of the Maccabean struggles. In Part One, I fully embraced Marvin Vining’s well argued and convincing thesis that the biblico-historically elusive Essenes were the scribes (also known as the “Herodians”). That does not mean that I accept Vining's book in its entirety, as already pointed out. I have explained there, for instance, why I must reject his notion that the “Wicked Priest” of the Qumran scrolls was Jesus himself (see also below). George J. Brooke, when writing his review of Rabbi Steven A. Fisdel’s book, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Understanding Their Spiritual Message, https://www.jstor.org/stable/4193190?seq=1 says of the author that: “He locates the origins of Essenism firmly within the context of the Maccabean struggles ...”. With this biblico-historical location I would completely agree. But I would add to it my own chronological twist that the Maccabean period overlaps with the Infancy of Jesus Christ. On this, see e.g. my article: Judas the Galilean vitally links Maccabean era to Daniel 2’s “rock cut out of a mountain” (7) Judas the Galilean vitally links Maccabean era to Daniel 2's "rock cut out of a mountain" Thus the Essenes, well identified by Marvin Vining with the biblical scribes, fit nicely into this revised scenario, this thereby answering the burning question as to why the Essenes, as such, are never mentioned in the Bible? With that in mind, I can also accept George J. Brooke’s view (whether attributable to the Rabbi or not) that “… for [the Rabbi] the Teacher of Righteousness is probably to be identified as Onias III and the Wicked Priest as Menelaus”. {Though I would not number Onias as III, which I believe is a fault due to an over-extended chronology}. David Pardo has come to the same conclusion as to the identities of these two major characters of the Dead Sea Scrolls (“A STATISTICAL IDENTITY FOR THE TEACHER OF RIGHTEOUSNESS IN THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS”).

Tuesday, March 4, 2025

Ash Wednesday provides an ideal opportunity to repent

“In those days John the Baptist came, preaching in the wilderness of Judea and saying, ‘Repent, for the kingdom of heaven has come near’. This is he who was spoken of through the prophet Isaiah: “A voice of one calling in the wilderness, ‘Prepare the way for the Lord, make straight paths for him’”.” Matthew 3:1-3 Today (5th March, 2025) is Ash Wednesday. What is Ash Wednesday? That question is asked, and answered at: https://www.dynamiccatholic.com/lent/ash-wednesday.html?srsltid=AfmBOopjUijbPKBfV2-941XYjz2QeJqG_2PqluhcTVKeS6HnSmb3DnwD What is Ash Wednesday? Ash Wednesday is the first day of Lent—and a wonderful opportunity to make yourself 100% available to God! How available to God are you? 50%? 75%? 96.4%? No matter what your answer, Ash Wednesday is the perfect time to decide that you will spend this Lent increasing that number. On Ash Wednesday, you can get your forehead blessed with ashes at Mass or a prayer service. These ashes are a reminder that we need to repent. Repentance is a powerful invitation. When John the Baptist first appeared in the desert of Judea, this was his message: “Repent, prepare the way of the Lord” (Matthew 3:2). Later, when Jesus began his ministry, he led with this message: “Repent, for the kingdom of heaven is at hand” (Matthew 4:17). But what does it mean for us to repent, here and now, more than two thousand years later? It means the same as it did to the people walking around the dusty pathways in their sandals, trying to inch closer to Jesus as he passed through their town or village. Repent means “to turn back to God.” We all find ourselves needing to turn back to God many times a day, in ways small and large. It is not a matter of guilt and it is not a shameful thing. It is simply that we are a better version of ourselves when we return to his side! When is Ash Wednesday 2025? This year Ash Wednesday is on March 5, 2025. The History of Ashes on Ash Wednesday You might be wondering why we get ashes on our foreheads for Ash Wednesday. Throughout history, ashes have been a powerful outward symbol of interior repentance and spiritual awareness. Here are some examples of ashes in the Bible: • "Therefore I disown what I have said, and repent in dust and ashes." (Job 42:6) • "Daughter of my people, dress in sackcloth, roll in the ashes." (Jeremiah 6:26) • "I turned to the Lord God, to seek help, in prayer and petition, with fasting, sackcloth, and ashes." (Daniel 9:3) • "When the news reached the king of Nineveh, he rose from his throne, laid aside his robe, covered himself with sackcloth, and sat in ashes. Then he had this proclaimed throughout Nineveh: “By decree of the king and his nobles, no man or beast, no cattle or sheep, shall taste anything; they shall not eat, nor shall they drink water. Man and beast alike must be covered with sackcloth and call loudly to God; they all must turn from their evil way and from the violence of their hands." (Jonah 3: 6-8) The Early Christians used ashes to show repentance as well, but not just on Ash Wednesday! After going to confession, it was common for the priest to give the person ashes on their forehead. Catholics have been receiving ashes on Ash Wednesday since the time of St. Gregory the Great. In 1091, Pope Urban II encouraged the entire Church to use ashes on Ash Wednesday. If you want to get blessed with ashes this Ash Wednesday, be sure to check with your local parish. Most churches celebrate Mass or have a prayer service on Ash Wednesday, and all are welcome to attend and be blessed with ashes. Sign up for this year’s Is Ash Wednesday a Holy Day of Obligation? Contrary to popular belief, Ash Wednesday is not a Holy Day of Obligation. Even though you’re not required to attend Mass, Ash Wednesday is a wonderful opportunity to rearrange your priorities and feed your soul before one of the most important seasons of the entire year! Can you eat meat on Ash Wednesday? No. Unless you have a medical exemption, Ash Wednesday is a day of Abstinence for Catholics. Avoiding meat can be difficult, but it’s a powerful way to be disciplined about your priorities. When you make little sacrifices a part of your everyday spirituality, amazing things happen! For example, suppose you have a craving for a Coke, but you have a glass of water instead. It is the smallest thing. Nobody notices. And yet, by this simple action you strengthen your willpower and become an even better-version-of-yourself. Or, say your soup tastes a little dull. You could add salt and pepper, but you don’t. It’s a little thing. It’s nothing. But by saying no to yourself in small ways, it makes you even freer to say yes to the things that truly matter. If you want to grow in strength this Lent, there’s one simple thing you can do: Try to never leave a meal table without practicing some form of sacrifice. It is these tiny acts that will strengthen your will for the great moments of decision that are a part of each of our lives! What are the fasting rules for Ash Wednesday? The Church requires all Catholics from ages 14-59 to fast on Ash Wednesday. As long as you are in good health, this means that you should only eat one full meal, plus two smaller meals that do not equal a full meal. Ash Wednesday is also a day where Catholics avoid eating meat. There is great wisdom in the Christian practice of fasting—even though its benefits are largely forgotten! Fasting is a spiritual exercise, and as such is primarily an action of the inner life. Authentic fasting draws us nearer to God and opens our hearts to receive his many gifts. Fasting is also a sharp reminder that there are more important things in life than food. Authentic Christian fasting helps to release us from our attachments to the things of this world. It is often these worldly attachments that prevent us from becoming the-best-version-of-ourselves. Fasting also serves as a reminder that everything in this world is passing and thus encourages us to consider life beyond death. Go without food for several hours and you quickly realize how truly weak, fragile, and dependent we are. This knowledge of self strips away arrogance and fosters a loving acknowledgment of our utter dependence on God. Ash Wednesday is a powerful day to rediscover the power of fasting in your life! Make It Personal Ash Wednesday is the perfect time to decide if you want to have the kind of Lent that’s easy to forget…or the kind that changes your life. Do you want a renewed commitment to prayer? More discipline in a specific area of your life? A stronger marriage? More peace? This Ash Wednesday, set aside 15 minutes to set your intentions for the season of Lent!

Monday, March 3, 2025

Tiberius - Claudius similarities

by Damien F. Mackey For Tiberius: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Tiberius For Claudius: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Claudius Following an emperor Gaius Julius Caesar Tiberius succeeded Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus. Claudius succeeded Gaius Julius Caesar Caligula. Named Tiberius Caesar Augustus Tiberius was Tiberius Julius Caesar Augustus Claudius was Tiberius Claudius Caesar Augustus Germanicus Dependent upon Praetorian Guard, Princeps As Tiberius became more embittered with the position of Princeps, he began to depend more and more upon the limited secretariat left to him by Augustus, and specifically upon Sejanus and the Praetorians. According to tradition, a Praetorian named Gratus found [Claudius] him hiding behind a curtain and suddenly declared him princeps. …. Claudius was spirited away to the Praetorian camp and put under their protection. Claudius declared emperor by the Praetorian Guard. Difficulty with the Senate, Plots From the outset, Tiberius had a difficult, resentful relationship with the Senate and suspected many plots against him. Nevertheless, he proved to be an effective and efficient administrator. …. According to Tacitus, Tiberius derided the Senate as "men fit to be slaves". …. Antagonism between Tiberius and his senate seems to have been a feature of his rule. …. Claudius set about remodeling the Senate into a more efficient, representative body. …. Nevertheless, many in the Senate remained hostile to Claudius, and many plots were made on his life. This hostility carried over into the historical accounts. As a result, Claudius reduced the Senate's power for the sake of efficiency. Divorce After Agrippa died, Augustus insisted that Tiberius divorce Vipsania and marry Agrippa's widow, Augustus' own daughter (Tiberius's step-sister) Julia. Tiberius reluctantly gave in. This second marriage proved scandalous, deeply unhappy, and childless; ultimately, Julia was sent into exile by her father. Suetonius and the other ancient authors accused Claudius of being dominated by women and wives, and of being a womanizer…. Claudius married four times, after two failed betrothals. The first betrothal was to his distant cousin Aemilia Lepida, but was broken for political reasons. The second was to Livia Medullina Camilla, which ended with Medullina's sudden death on their wedding day. …. Claudius later divorced Urgulanilla for adultery and on suspicion of murdering her sister-in-law Apronia. Soon after … Claudius married Aelia Paetina, a relative of Sejanus, if not Sejanus's adoptive sister. During their marriage, Claudius and Paetina had a daughter, Claudia Antonia. He later divorced her after the marriage became a political liability. Rhodes In 6 BC, while on the verge of accepting command in the East and becoming the second-most powerful man in Rome, Tiberius announced his withdrawal from politics and retired to Rhodes. …. Claudius also settled disputes in the provinces. He freed the island of Rhodes from Roman rule for their good faith …. Law Court …. thereafter Tiberius began appearing in court as an advocate, and it was presumably at this time that his interest in Greek rhetoric began. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/mono/10.4324/9780203165133-18/tiberius-law-development-maiestas-barbara-levick Tiberius prided himself on his knowledge of Roman law, both sacral and secular, and on his respect for it. …. The ius auxilii inherent in the tribunician power and his imperium gave him the right to come to the aid of a citizen who appealed to him against magisterial injustice and to take cognizance of cases from all over the Empire, in Italy, and at Rome. …. They were already his before AD 14, although he is not likely to have used them when Augustus was available. His return to Rome and his accession to sole power, together with his election to the supreme pontificate on 10 March AD 15 … gave full scope to his auctoritas (prestige and influence), and at least one senator argued that Senate and equites could not carry on their business without his supervision. …. Tiberius intended to use his influence well, and eight years after his accession could still proclaim the supremacy of law. …. Claudius personally judged many of the legal cases tried during his reign. Ancient historians have many complaints about this, stating that his judgments were variable and sometimes did not follow the law. …. He was also easily swayed. Nevertheless, Claudius paid detailed attention to the operation of the judicial system. He extended the summer court session, as well as the winter term, by shortening the traditional breaks. Claudius also made a law requiring plaintiffs to remain in the city while their cases were pending, as defendants had previously been required to do. These measures had the effect of clearing out the docket. The Jews In AD 19 Tiberius ordered Jews of military age to join the Roman Army. …. He banished the rest of Rome’s Jewish population, on pain of enslavement for life. (Acts 18:2): “… Claudius had ordered all Jews to leave Rome”. Triumphal procession Tiberius returned and celebrated the triumph which he had postponed, accompanied also by his generals, for whom he had obtained the triumphal regalia. [Claudius] left Britain [sic] after 16 days, but remained in the provinces for some time. The Senate granted him a triumph for his efforts. Sickly, also strong and tall Suetonius describes Tiberius as being pale skinned, broad shouldered, left-handed, and exceptionally strong and tall for a Roman, although he had poor posture. …. Suetonius and Paterculus both write that, as a young man, he was considered attractive by Roman beauty standards. …. Even in adulthood, he was prone to severe acne outbreaks. According to Cassius Dio, Claudius became sickly and thin by the end of Caligula's reign, most likely due to stress. …. A possible surviving portrait of Claudius from this period may support this. …. However, he showed no physical deformity, as Suetonius notes that when calm and seated he was a tall, well-built figure of dignitas. … When angered or stressed, his symptoms became worse. Historians agree that this condition improved upon his accession to the throne. …. Claudius himself claimed that he had exaggerated his ailments to save his life. …. Gloomy, unpleasant [Tiberius] came to be remembered as a dark, reclusive and sombre ruler who never really wanted to be emperor; Pliny the Elder called him "the gloomiest of men". …. Seneca's Apocolocyntosis mocks the deification of Claudius and reinforces the view of Claudius as an unpleasant fool …. Suspicious death Tiberius died in Misenum on 16 March AD 37, months before his 78th birthday …. While ancient sources agree on the date and location of his death, contradictory accounts exist of the precise circumstances. Tacitus relates that the emperor appeared to have stopped breathing, and that Caligula, who was at Tiberius's villa, was being congratulated on his succession to the empire, when news arrived that the emperor had revived and was recovering his faculties. He goes on to report that those who had moments before recognized Caligula as Augustus fled in fear of the emperor's wrath, while Macro took advantage of the chaos to have Tiberius smothered with his own bedclothes. Ancient historians agree that Claudius was murdered by poison – possibly contained in mushrooms or on a feather (ostensibly put down his throat to induce vomiting) – and died in the early hours of 13 October 54. …. Nearly all implicate his final and powerful wife, Agrippina, as the instigator. Agrippina and Claudius had become more combative in the months leading up to his death. This carried on to the point where Claudius openly lamented his bad wives …. Funeral When Tiberius died, he was given a sumptuous funeral befitting his office, but no divine honours. Claudius's ashes were interred in the Mausoleum of Augustus … after a funeral similar to that of his great-uncle Augustus …..

Sunday, March 2, 2025

Augustus true founder of Pisidian Antioch?

by Damien F. Mackey “As Augustus was regarded as the city’s founder, this temple dedicated to him was built after 2 B.C. and became the focal point of the city”. info@ambertravel.com Whilst I have nothing whatsoever against Rome, or Romans, I have thought it necessary to minimize these in my works of revision. For example: Rome surprisingly minimal in Bible (1) Rome surprisingly minimal in Bible and: Horrible Histories: Retracting Romans (3) Horrible Histories. Retracting Romans Here I want further to extend this minimising by taking a look at Pisidian Antioch, which I have favoured as being the capital of the Seleucid king, Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’: Which Antioch may have been the capital of Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’? (3) Which Antioch may have been the capital of Antiochus 'Epiphanes'? The city was supposedly founded by one of Epiphanes’ predecessors, but then re-founded by the emperor Augustus: https://www.ambertravel.com/st-paul-trail-pisidian-antioch#:~:text=The%20city%20was%20founded%20in,importance%20of%20this The city was founded in the 3rd century by either Antiochus I or II, but it only achieved prominence after its refounding as a Roman colony by Augustus in 25 B.C. Three members of the imperial family served as honorary magistrates of the city from 15 B.C. to 35 A.D., attesting to the importance of this Galatian city. Triple-Arched Gate This triumphal arch gateway was excavated by the University of Michigan in 1924. The gate was built in the second century A.D. and was dedicated by Hadrian in 129 A.D. on his tour of Asia Minor. Hellenistic City Wall The city was a major Hellenistic center in the centuries before Paul's arrival. It was located along the route from Ephesus to Cilicia. Jewish inhabitants were brought to the city by the Romans for political and commercial reasons and it was to this community that Paul preached on his first missionary journey. Temple of Augustus As Augustus was regarded as the city's founder, this temple dedicated to him was built after 2 B.C. and became the focal point of the city. This podium temple was constructed in front of a two-story semi-circular portico and adjacent to a large colonnaded courtyard. The temple was first excavated by Ramsay in 1912-14. …. [End of quote] Now, in my recent Horrible Histories article (above), I picked up an extraordinary convergence of names that, in a conventional context, would make no sense, but that, in my revision, nicely tie up names and characters. There I wrote: …. To make matters really complicated, there is supposed to have been, incredibly, an ‘Antiochus Epiphanes’ at the time of the emperor Hadrian – and I have already identified the Antiochus Epiphanes with the emperor Hadrian: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Emperor Hadrian. Part One: “… a mirror Image” https://www.academia.edu/32734925/Antiochus_Epiphanes_and_Emperor_Hadrian._Part_One_a_mirror_image_ …. and, guess what? - this Antiochus Epiphanes had the name of Julius Caesar. He was, supposedly, Gaius Julius Antiochus Epiphanes (Philopappus). [End of quote] This incredible situation may serve, all at once, to tie up the three main names associated with early Pisidian Antioch: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ (see “Which Antioch …” article); Gaius Julius Caesar Augustus; and the emperor Hadrian. My re-interpretation of the Pisidian Antioch would be that it was essentially founded by Augustus, who was Hadrian, who was Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’, whose capital city it was. I, initially somewhat tentative about taking the huge step of identifying Augustus with the emperor Hadrian, whom I had already identified as Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ (see “Mirror Image” article above) - thereby pitching the emperor Hadrian into the Nativity era of Jesus Christ - would eventually conclude, however, that it was: Time to consider Hadrian, that ‘mirror-image’ of Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’, as also the census emperor Augustus (2) Time to consider Hadrian, that 'mirror-image' of Antiochus 'Epiphanes', as also the census emperor Augustus Any faint doubts that I may still have had about bridging more than a century of conventional time estimation, by merging Augustus with Hadrian, were put to bed completely after reading Lillian Joyce’s article: In the Footsteps of Augustus: Hadrian and the Imperial Cult (1) In the Footsteps of Augustus: Hadrian and the Imperial Cult Years ago I had had it pointed out to me that, despite the textbooks, there was a significant overlap between the Assyrian king, Sennacherib, and his supposed father, Sargon II. The more that I studied this, however, the more that I came to realise that it was not a mere overlap, but that the reign of Sargon II was the very reign of Sennacherib. Sargon II and Sennacherib: More than just an overlap (1) Sargon II and Sennacherib: More than just an overlap Hopefully Lillian Joyce will eventually be able to take a similarly bold step and recognise that Hadrian was not just dogging Augustus’s every footstep, as her article substantially shows he was, but that Hadrian was Augustus. Taking some of her various comparisons between Hadrian and Augustus, we learn: Abstract Hadrian sought to honor, emulate and even surpass Augustus in a variety of his actions as Princeps. Associations with imperial cult were part of Hadrian’s consolidation and unification of empire. Hadrian erected, revived, or enhanced at least twelve temples and shrines connected to imperial cult. I suggest adding the Temple of Venus and Roma to this list. Its Greek-style plan and choice of goddesses connected it to the legacy of Augustus. The goddesses Venus and Roma functioned effectively as surrogates for imperial cult with Venus as Augustus’s divine ancestress and Roma as the cult consort of Augustus. In its use of Augustan models with associations to imperial cult and the power of the living emperor, the temple revealed Hadrian’s sophisticated plan to showcase his power through a connection to the Augustan legacy and concepts of eternal empire. …. Since antiquity, sources have noted Hadrian’s admiration for Augustus. Hadrian had a bust of Augustus among the Lares in his bedroom and a portrait of Augustus on his signet ring.1 Beyond keeping these images of Augustus close to his person, Hadrian sought to honor, emulate, and even surpass the first emperor in a variety of actions. In 121, Hadrian proclaimed a new Golden Age, celebrating it with coins, games, and festivals.2 Around 123, he shortened his title to Hadrianus Augustus.3 He restored Augustan monuments within and outside of Rome, and began new projects, including the temple to Venus and Roma, which evoked Augustan symbols and were often tied to imperial cult. With these projects, Hadrian used the memory of Augustus as an innovative way to legitimize and promote himself. 4 …. The first item in the Historia Augusta regarding Tarraco is that Hadrian used his own funds to rebuild the temple of Augustus.33 Hadrian also called for a gathering of the Council of the Province, which administered the imperial cult. The likely meeting spot was close to the site of the temple. Thus, the ceremonial backdrop for meeting these representatives was the site of the imperial cult celebrating Augustus. Locals soon began to add images of Hadrian to the sanctuary and a high priest received a mandate from the Council to gild Hadrian’s statues. Locals carried these images during festivals and then kept them in the porch of the temple.34 In Athens, the Augustus-Hadrian link also was strong. The Athenians dedicated a temple to Augustus and Roma on the Acropolis.49 This round structure was directly in front of the eastern entrance to the Parthenon.50 However, in scale it did not visually dominate the Parthenon or the Acropolis landscape. This connection had been in place for well over 100 years when Hadrian arrived.51 Like Augustus, Hadrian was initiated into the Eleusinian Mysteries.52 We know of multiple benefactions throughout the city much like those of Augustus.53 …. Hadrian used the memory of Augustus to invigorate present and future.7 Proclaiming a new Golden Age, bringing the worship of Roma into the city, and converting the Parilia to Romaia were part of a grand vision. Roma was more than a city goddess; she was a stand-in for imperial cult and eternal power.75 Venus, too, spoke to the divine heritage of the ruler. The goddesses linked Augustus and the history of Rome with Hadrian as the realization of a legacy. The “Greekness” of the new temple and its colossal images resonated with other sites of imperial cult throughout the empire. With this temple, Hadrian could project his current power and predict his eventual deification as Augustus had done before. ….

Time to consider Hadrian, that ‘mirror-image’ of Antiochus Epiphanes, as also the census emperor Augustus

by Damien F. Mackey “In those days Caesar Augustus issued a decree that a census should be taken of the entire Roman world. (This was the first census that took place while Quirinius was governor of Syria). And everyone went to their own town to register”. Luke 2:1-3 (i) Some Background My proposed collision of Antiochus, Augustus and Hadrian may come across somewhat like the mad mash of ancient history that one will find in the writings of Islamic author, Ahmed Osman. On this, see e.g. my series: Osman’s ‘Osmosis’ of Moses. Part One: The Chosen People (6) Osman's 'Osmosis' of Moses. Part One: The Chosen People | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu and: Osman’s ‘Osmosis’ of Moses. Part Two: Christ The King (6) Osman's 'Osmosis' of Moses. Part Two: Christ The King | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu The Seleucid king, Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ (c. 170 BC), and the supposedly Roman emperors, Augustus (c. 1 AD) and Hadrian (c. 130 AD) - an historical span of some 300 years - all now to be fused as one? Incredible! In various articles, though, I have built upon the amazing likenesses between Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Hadrian, prompting scholars to regard the one as being the mirror image of the other: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Emperor Hadrian. Part One: “… a mirror image” (6) Antiochus 'Epiphanes' and Emperor Hadrian. Part One: "… a mirror image" | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu Added to this is the Jewish tradition that replaces king Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ with Hadrian as the king overseeing the martyrdom of the Maccabean mother and her seven sons. In conventional terms, this is a gross anachronism – but not according to my scheme. Hadrian, a supposed Roman, is actually an inveterate Grecophile. Rome keeps getting in the way, as in the quotation from Luke 2 above, according to which Caesar Augustus had ordered “a census … of the entire Roman world”. The problem here is that “Roman” is nowhere mentioned in the original text (2:1), … πᾶσαν τὴν οἰκουμένην, meaning “the whole world”. For more on my theme, ‘not all roads leading to Rome’, see e.g. my article: Horrible Histories: Retracting Romans (2) Horrible Histories. Retracting Romans Along similar lines, see also my article: Rome surprisingly minimal in Bible (9) Rome surprisingly minimal in Bible | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu A key point in this whole new reconstruction is my view that the census at the time of the Nativity of Jesus Christ the Messiah, the one issued by Caesar Augustus as considered above, needs to be recognised as being the very same census as the one referred to by rabbi Gamaliel, at the time of Judas the Galilean - the latter, in turn, being the same as Judas Maccabeus, hence a necessary crunching of some 170 years of conventional history. On this, see e.g. my article: Judas the Galilean vitally links Maccabean era to Daniel 2’s “rock cut out of a mountain” (9) Judas the Galilean vitally links Maccabean era to Daniel 2's "rock cut out of a mountain" | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu A further potential point of correlation for linking, as one, emperors Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’, Augustus and Hadrian, is that, associated with each of these names, was a virtually second-self high official capable of standing in for the king – one who exerted power in Palestine. For Antiochus, it was Philip the Phrygian; for Augustus, it was Herod ‘the Great’, who was also Marcus Agrippa; whilst, for Hadrian, it was Herodes Atticus. On this, see e.g. my article: Marcus Agrippa a barbaric Phrygian (7) Marcus Agrippa a barbaric Phrygian | Damien Mackey - Academia.edu (ii) Further connecting Hadrian to Augustus When reading through Anthony Everitt’s 392-page book, Hadrian and the Triumph of Rome (Random House, NY, 2009), I was struck by the constant flow of similarities between Hadrian and Augustus - which the author himself does nothing to hide. Here are some of them: Pp. 190-191: Ten years into his reign, Hadrian announced to the world that, speaking symbolically, he was a reincarnation of Augustus. P. x: … Augustus, whom Hadrian greatly admired and emulated. P. 145: Flatterers said that [Hadrian’s] eyes were languishing, bright, piercing and full of light”. …. One may suspect that this was exactly what Hadrian liked to hear (just as his revered Augustus prided himself on his clear, bright eyes). P. 190: … the true hero among his predecessors was Augustus. For the image on Hadrian’s signet ring to have been that of the first princeps was an elegantly simple way of acknowledging indebtedness …. Later, he asked the Senate for permission to hang an ornamental shield, preferably of silver, in Augustus’ honor in the Senate. P. 191: What was it that Hadrian valued so highly in his predecessor? Not least the conduct of his daily life. Augustus lived with conscious simplicity and so far as he could avoided open displays of his preeminence. P. 192: Both Augustus and Hadrian made a point of being civiles principes, polite autocrats. …. Whenever Augustus was present, he took care to give his entire attention to the gladiatorial displays, animal hunts, and the rest of the bloodthirsty rigmarole. Hadrian followed suit. P. 193: Hadrian followed Augustus’ [consulship] example to the letter - that is, once confirmed in place, he abstained. …. Hadrian’s imitation of Augustus made it clear that he intended to rule in an orderly and law-abiding fashion ... commitment to traditional romanitas, Romanness. It was on these foundations that he would build the achievements of his reign. Like the first princeps, Hadrian looked back to paradigms of ancient virtue to guide modern governance. Augustus liked to see himself as a new Romulus …. Hadrian followed suit …. P. 196: [Juvenal] was granted … a pension and a small but adequate farmstead near Tibur …. Hadrian was, once again, modelling himself on Augustus, who was a generous patron of poets …. P. 202: [Hadrian] conceived a plan to visit every province in his wide dominions. Like the first princeps, he liked to see things for himself…. P. 208: Hadrian introduced [militarily] the highest standards of discipline and kept the soldiers on continual exercises, as if war were imminent. In order to ensure consistency, he followed the example of Augustus (once again) … by publishing a manual of military regulations. P. 255: [Eleusis] … at one level [Hadrian] was merely treading in the footsteps of many Roman predecessors, among them Augustus. P. 271: … with his tenth anniversary behind him … the emperor judged the time right to accept the title of Pater Patriae, father of his people. Like Augustus, and probably in imitation of him, he had declined the Senate’s offer for a long time …. P. 277: [Hadrian] was soon widely known throughout the Hellenic eastern provinces as “Hadrianos Sebastos Olumpius”, Sebastos being the Greek word for Augustus …. P. 322: The consecration ceremony was modeled on the obsequies of Augustus. Part Two: Here are some more comparisons from the same book: P. 31: Augustus’ constitutional arrangements were durable and, with some refinements, were still in place a hundred years later when the young Hadrian was becoming politically aware. P. 58: In Augustus’ day, Virgil, the poet laureate of Roman power, had sung of an imperium sine fine. A century later he still pointed the way to an empire without end and without frontiers. P. 130: … [Hadrian] depended on friends to advise him. Augustus adopted this model …. P. 168: So far as Hadrian was concerned [the Senate] offered him the high title of pater patriae …. He declined, taking Augustus’ view that this was one honor that had to be earned; he would defer acceptance until he had some real achievements to his credit. P. 173: So military and financial reality argued against further enlargement of the empire. … Augustus, who had been an out and out expansionist for most of his career …. … the aged Augustus produced a list of the empire’s military resources very near the end of his life. …. Hadrian may well have seen a copy of, even read, the historian’s [Tacitus’] masterpiece. P. 188: … all the relevant tax documents were assembled and publicly burned, to make it clear that this was a decision that could not be revoked. (Hadrian may have got the idea for the incineration from Augustus, for Suetonius records that … he had “burned the records of old debts to the treasury, which were by far the most frequent source of blackmail”). P. 198: His aim was to create a visual connection between himself and the first princeps, between the structures that Augustus and Agrippa had left behind them and his own grand edifices …. Beginning with the burned-out Pantheon. …. Hadrian had in mind something far more ambitious than Agrippa’s temple. …. With studied modesty he intended to retain the inscribed attribution to Agrippa, and nowhere would Hadrian’s name be mentioned. Mackey’s comment: Hmmmm …. P. 233: It can be no accident that the ruler [Hadrian] revered so much, Augustus, took the same line on Parthia as he did - namely, that talking is better than fighting. P. 324: As we have seen, until the very end of his reign, Augustus was an uncompromising and bellicose imperialist. Dio’s prescription [“Even today the methods that he then introduced are the soldiers’ law of campaigning”] fits Hadrian much more closely, and he must surely have had this example in mind when penning these words. Part Three “This is the chief thing: Do not be perturbed, for all things are according to the nature of the universal; and in a little time you will be nobody and nowhere, like Hadrian and Augustus”. Marcus Aurelius, Meditations The names “Augustus” and “Hadrian” often get linked together. For instance, for Hadrian - as we read here: “Augustus was an important role model”: http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/themes/leaders_and_rulers/hadrian/ruling_an_empire Rome’s first emperor, Augustus (reigned 27 BC–AD 14), had also suffered severe military setbacks, and took the decision to stop expanding the empire. In Hadrian’s early reign Augustus was an important role model. He had a portrait of him on his signet ring and kept a small bronze bust of him among the images of the household gods in his bedroom. Like Augustus before him, Hadrian began to fix the limits of the territory that Rome could control. He withdrew his army from Mesopotamia …where a serious insurgency had broken out, and abandoned the newly conquered provinces of Armenia and Assyria, as well as other parts of the empire. …. Hadrian was even “a new Augustus” and an “Augustus redivivus”. Thus Anthony R. Birley (Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, p. 147): Hadrian's presence at Tarraco in the 150th year after the first emperor was given the name Augustus (16 January 27 BC) seems to coincide with an important policy development. The imperial coinage at about this time drastically abbreviates Hadrian's titulature. Instead of being styled 'Imp. Caesar Traianus Hadrianus Augustus’, he would soon be presented simply as 'Hadrianus Augustus'. The message thereby conveyed is plain enough: he wished to be seen as a new Augustus. Such a notion had clearly been in his mind for some time. It cannot be mere chance that caused Suetonius to write in his newly published, Life of the Deified Augustus, that the first emperor had been, ‘far removed from the desire to increase the empire of for glory in war’ — an assertion which his own account appears to contradict in a later passage. Tacitus, by contrast, out of touch – and out of sympathy – with Hadrian from the start, but aware of his aspirations to be regarded as an Augustus redivivus, seems subversively to insinuate, in the Annals, that a closer parallel could be found in Tiberius. …. “In Hadrian: The Restless Emperor, Anthony Birley, according to a review of his book, “brings together the new ... story of a man who saw himself as a second Augustus and Olympian Zeus”. Architecture Hadrian is often presented as a finisher, or a restorer, of Augustan buildings. For example: http://www.open.edu/openlearn/ocw/mod/oucontent/view.php?id=20867&printable The Pantheon is one of the few monuments to survive from the Hadrianic period, despite others in the vicinity having also been restored by him (SHA, Hadrian 19). What is unusual is that rather than replacing the dedicatory inscription with one which named him, Hadrian kept (or more likely recreated) the Agrippan inscription, reminding the populace of the original dedicator. At first this gives the impression that Hadrian was being modest, as he was not promoting himself. Contrast this with the second inscription on the façade, which commemorates the restoration of the Pantheon by Septimius Severus and Caracalla in 202 CE (CIL 6. 896). However, by reminding people of the Pantheon’s Augustan origins Hadrian was subtly associating himself with the first emperor. This helped him legitimise his position as ruler by suggesting that he was part of the natural succession of (deified) emperors. It is worth noting that Domitian had restored the Pantheon following a fire in 80 CE (Dio Cassius 66.24.2), but Hadrian chose to name the original dedicator of the temple, Agrippa, rather than linking himself with an unpopular emperor. In addition, the unique architecture of the Pantheon, with its vast dome, was a more subtle way for Hadrian to leave his signature on the building than an inscription might have been – and it would have been more easily ‘read’ by a largely illiterate population. Thomas Pownall (Notices and Descriptions of Antiquities of the Provincia Romana of Gaul), has Hadrian, “in Vienne”, purportedly repairing Augustan architecture (pp. 38-39): That the several Trophaeal and other public Edifices, dedicated to the honour of the Generals of the State, were repaired by Augustus himself, or by his order, preserving to each the honour of his respective record of glory, we read in Suetonius …. And it is a fact, that the inhabitants of Vienne raised a Triumphal Arc, to grace his progress and entry into their town. The reasons why I think that this may have been afterward repaired by Hadrian are, first, that he did actually repair and restore most of the Monuments, Temples, public Edifices, and public roads, in the Province: and next that I thought, when I viewed this Arc of Orange, I could distinguish the bas-relieves and other ornaments of the central part of this edifice; I mean particularly the bas-relief of the frieze, and of the attic of the center, were of an inferior and more antiquated taste of design and execution than those of the lateral parts; and that the Corinthian columns and their capitals were not of the simple style of architecture found in the Basilica, or Curia, in Vienne, which was undoubtedly erected in the time of Augustus, but exactly like those of the Maison carrée at Nimes, which was repaired by Hadrian. La Maison Carrée de Nîmes Edmund Thomas will go a step further, though, and tell that the Maison carrée belonged, rather, to the time of the emperor Hadrian (Monumentality and the Roman Empire: Architecture in the Antonine Age, p. 50): Also worth mentioning is the so-called 'Temple of Diana' at Nîmes. It was roofed with a barrel-vault of stone blocks, unusual for western architecture, and its interior walls, with engaged columns framing triangular and segmental pediments … resemble those of the 'Temple of Bacchus' at Baalbek …. It seems to have formed part of the substantial augusteum complex built around a substantial spring …. The date of the building is much disputed; but the resemblance to the architecture of Baalbek and the association of Antoninus Pius with Nemausus [Nîmes], may be indications of the Antonine date formerly suggested. …. Indeed, the famous ‘Maison Carrée’ in the same city, usually regarded as an Augustan monument, has recently been redated to the same period, when the town was at its height, and may even be the ‘basilica of wonderful construction’ founded by Hadrian around 122 [sic] ‘in honour of Plotina the wife of Trajan’ ….

Friday, February 28, 2025

Horrible Histories: Retracting Romans

by Damien F. Mackey Part One: Still a Republic at time of Herod ‘the Great’ “[The Romans] conquered kings near and far, and everyone who heard of their reputation was afraid of them. They helped some men to become kings, while they deposed others; they had become a world power. In spite of all this, no Roman ever tried to advance his own position by wearing a crown or putting on royal robes. They created a senate, and each day 320 senators came together to deliberate about the affairs of the people and their well-being. Each year they entrusted to one man the responsibility of governing them and controlling their whole territory”. I Maccabees 8:12-16 Introduction If I am correct in my merging of the Maccabean era of Judas “the Hammer” with the Nativity era of Jesus Christ, in articles such as: Judas the Galilean vitally links Maccabean era to Daniel 2’s “rock cut out of a mountain” (3) Judas the Galilean vitally links Maccabean era to Daniel 2's "rock cut out of a mountain" then the conventional view that the reign of Herod ‘the Great’ sat largely within the early Roman Empire period would need to be scrapped. For clearly, during the Maccabean period, the Roman Republic was flourishing, yet new. I Maccabees 8:1-32 provides us with a wonderful description of Rome at the time of Judas Maccabeus: Judas [Maccabeus] had heard about the Romans and their reputation as a military power. He knew that they welcomed all those who joined them as allies and that those who came to them could be sure of the friendship of Rome. People had told him about the wars the Romans had fought and their heroic acts among the Gauls, whom they had conquered and forced to pay taxes. He had been told what they had done in Spain when they captured the silver mines and the gold mines there. By careful planning and persistence, they had conquered the whole country, even though it was far from Rome. They had overcome the kings from distant lands who had fought against them; they had defeated them so badly that the survivors had to pay annual taxes. They had fought and conquered Philip and Perseus, kings of Macedonia, and all who had joined them against Rome. They had even defeated Antiochus the Great, king of Syria, who had attacked them with 120 elephants, cavalry, chariots, and a powerful army. They took him alive and forced him and his successors to pay heavy taxes, to give hostages, and to surrender India, Media, Lydia, and some of their best lands. They took these and gave them to King Eumenes. When the Greeks made plans to attack and destroy them, the Romans learned of the plans and sent a general to fight against them. The Romans killed many of the Greeks, took their wives and children captive, plundered their possessions, occupied their land, tore down their fortresses, and made them slaves, as they are today. They also destroyed or made slaves of other kingdoms, the islands, and everyone who had ever fought against them. But they maintained their friendship with their allies and those who relied on them for protection. They conquered kings near and far, and everyone who heard of their reputation was afraid of them. They helped some men to become kings, while they deposed others; they had become a world power. In spite of all this, no Roman ever tried to advance his own position by wearing a crown or putting on royal robes. They created a senate, and each day 320 senators came together to deliberate about the affairs of the people and their well-being. Each year they entrusted to one man the responsibility of governing them and controlling their whole territory. Everyone obeyed this one man, and there was no envy or jealousy among them. Judas chose Eupolemus, the son of John and grandson of Accos, and Jason son of Eleazar and sent them to Rome to make a treaty of friendship and alliance with the Romans. He did this to eliminate Syrian oppression, since the Jews clearly saw that they were being reduced to slavery. After a long and difficult journey, Eupolemus and Jason reached Rome and entered the Senate. They addressed the assembly in these terms: Judas Maccabeus, his brothers, and the Jewish people have sent us here to make a mutual defense treaty with you, so that we may be officially recorded as your friends and allies. The Romans accepted the proposal, and what follows is a copy of the letter which was engraved on bronze tablets and sent to Jerusalem to remain there as a record of the treaty: May things go well forever for the Romans and for the Jewish nation on land and sea! May they never have enemies, and may they never go to war! But if war is declared first against Rome or any of her allies anywhere, the Jewish nation will come to her aid with wholehearted support, as the situation may require. And to those at war with her, the Jews shall not give or supply food, arms, money, or ships, as was agreed in Rome. The Jews must carry out their obligations without receiving anything in return. In the same way, if war is declared first against the Jewish nation, the Romans will come to their aid with hearty support, as the situation may require. And to their enemies there shall not be given or supplied food, arms, money, or ships, as was agreed in Rome. The Romans must carry out their obligations without deception. These are the terms of the treaty that the Romans have made with the Jewish people. But if, in the future, both parties shall agree to add or remove anything, they shall act on their decision, and whatever they add or remove shall be valid. Furthermore, concerning the wrongs which King Demetrius is doing against the Jews, we have written him as follows, Why have you treated our friends and allies, the Jews, so harshly? If they complain to us about you one more time, we will support their cause and go to war against you on land and sea. There does not appear to be any evidence, though, in future struggles of the Maccabees that the Romans honoured that promise, “… if war is declared first against the Jewish nation, the Romans will come to their aid with hearty support, as the situation may require”. Part Two: From Gaius Marius to Pompey the Great “Much like King Philip II of Macedon in previous Greek history, Marius removed as many non-essential personnel and animals from his army as possible and thus made it faster and easier to move on campaign”. Within my new arrangement of Hellenistic history, with the era of the emperor Antiochus IV ‘Epiphanes’ ‘collapsing’ into the time of Herod ‘the Great’ (Part One), there is no longer any chronological opportunity for certain conventionally famous Roman Republicans, say, from Gaius Marius to Julius Caesar. Though we read in Part One, from I Maccabees 8, that the Roman Republic - and not the Empire - was certainly functioning at this time. Greek identifications for famous ‘Republicans’ Some of the following identifications are tentative, with possibly better alternatives to be discovered later. Gaius Marius He is conventionally dated to c. 100 BC. Gaius Marius has become known as “a bloodthirsty tyrant” (see below). Marc Hyden, who has written a book about Marius, asks the question: http://www.ancient-origins.net/history-famous-people/gaius-marius-was-savior-ancient-rome-was-he-hero-or-villain-008858 Was Marius a Hero or Villain? So, was Marius a hero or a villain? The truth is that he was both. Early in Marius’ career, he proved to be a conscientious politician even though he later violated Rome’s laws on term limits. However, this provision was sometimes violated in times of great danger. Marius was also a talented general. He concluded the long-running Jugurthine War, which no other commander seemed capable of doing. He vanquished the menacing Cimbri, who had previously routed numerous Roman armies. However, Marius’ legacy is muddled due to the last chapter of his life. Because of a petty dispute with his erstwhile subordinate, Roman legions marched on their homeland as conquering armies for the first time in history, which threw the Republic into chaos. Once Marius returned to power, the man who once safeguarded the Republic evolved into a bloodthirsty tyrant. This unfortunately ensured that his reputation would forever be tainted. In fact, as is evident by my book Gaius Marius: The Rise and Fall of Rome’s Saviour, 2,000 years later, it is still being debated how Marius should remembered. …. In looking for a Greek (Macedonian) alternative for Marius, I would consider Philip II of Macedon, with whom Marius is compared at: https://steelfighting.com/2011/07/07/roman-consul-gaius-marius-and-the-marian-reforms/ Marius was able to also reduce the size of his army by drastically limiting beasts of burden to carry soldiers’ gear and ordered that soldiers carry most of their equipment on their person. This reduction in army size as opposed to the added weight on the individual soldier still made for an army that was able to move on march faster than before. …. They were able to march approximately 20 miles a day on favorable road conditions while carrying roughly 80-90 pounds. …. Much like King Philip II of Macedon in previous Greek history, Marius removed as many non-essential personnel and animals from his army as possible and thus made it faster and easier to move on campaign. Philip II, conventionally dated to 359-336 BC, likewise “was an accomplished [ruler] and military commander in his own right” (https://www.ancient.eu/Philip_II_of_Macedon/), as well as being ruthless and cunning: “He used bribery, warfare, and threats to secure his kingdom”. The famous general Gaius Marius was supposedly the uncle of Julius Caesar (by marriage to Caesar’s Aunt Julia). A note on the Julians Conventionally, this is a purely Roman patrician family: (https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julia_(gens)) The gens Julia or Iulia was one of the most ancient patrician families at Ancient Rome. Members of the gens attained the highest dignities of the state in the earliest times of the Republic. The first of the family to obtain the consulship was Gaius Julius Iulus in 489 BC. The gens is perhaps best known, however, for Gaius Julius Caesar, the dictator, and grand uncle of the emperor Augustus, through whom the name was passed to the so-called Julio-Claudian dynasty of the 1st century AD. The nomen Julius became very common in imperial times, as the descendants of persons enrolled as citizens under the early emperors began to make their mark in history. In our new terms, though, we ought to expect Greek origins for the Julians. My suggestion for a Greek Iulius would be Iolaus, Alexander the Great’s cup-bearer: https://thesecondachilles.com/tag/iolaus/ He [Alexander] was killed by his own people Taken literally this statement is wrong. The Macedonians either in part or as a whole did not rise up against Alexander. If we take the writer to mean the people who are alleged to have assassinated him – Antipater, Cassander and Iolaus – then it is simply debatable. They could have murdered the king, they had a motive to do so (Antipater’s fear that Alexander intended to kill him), but it is surely significant that the first person to make the allegation was Alexander’s mother, Olympias, who was at that time locked in battle with Cassander, the last of the aforementioned three to survive. …. Lucius Cornelius Sulla Felix “No better friend, no worse enemy”. He is conventionally dated to c. 100 BC. Sulla’s Hellenistic persona may be, once again, that most influential Seleucid king, Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’. At least alike in his death: “In 78 BCE he died in his bed. There are some reports from ancient writers that it was a gruesome death, his flesh dissolving into worms”. Gnaeus Pompeius Magnus (Pompey) He is conventionally dated to the mid-C1st BC. The wealthy Pompey, who in the mid-60’s BC is considered to have formed what has come to be known as the ‘First Triumvirate’ with Marcus Licinius Crassus and Gaius Julius Caesar, is definitely a composite figure with certain Hellenistic characteristics. See my series: Pompey the Great: ‘Roman Alexander’? https://www.academia.edu/44562086/Pompey_the_Great_Roman_Alexander and: https://www.academia.edu/44562106/Pompey_the_Great_Roman_Alexander_Part_Two_Republic_spilling_into_Empire But I also suspect that the legend of Pompey’s assaulting the Temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem, and his killing of many Jews, may be based on tales associated with a Ptolemy. According to the apocryphal 3 Maccabees: https://www.earlyjewishwritings.com/3maccabees.html “It describes how Ptolemy IV attempted to enter the holy of holies in the temple in Jerusalem and how he was miraculously repelled (1:1-2:24)”. “The marble bust of Pompey is in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copenhagen). Its somewhat incongruous appearance, the round face and small lidded eyes beneath the leonine mane of hair, is because Pompey, the most powerful Roman of his day, sought a comparison with Alexander the Great …”. Pompey ‘Imitating’ Hellenistic? Previously I have quoted Nic Fields (Warlords of Republican Rome: Caesar Against Pompey, 2010), who wrote: His flatterers, so it was said, likened Pompey to Alexander the Great, and whether because of this or not, the Macedonian king would appear to have been constantly in his mind. His respect for the fairer sex is comparable with Alexander’s, and Plutarch mentions that when the concubines of Mithridates were brought to him he merely restored them to their parents and families. …. Similarly he treated the corpse of Mithridates in a kingly way, as Alexander treated the corpse of Dareios, and ‘provided for the expenses of the funeral and directed that the remains should receive royal interment’. …. Also, like Alexander, he founded many cities and repaired many damaged towns, searched for the ocean that was thought to surround the world, and rewarded his soldiers munificently. Finally, Appian adds that in his third triumph he was said to have worn ‘a cloak of Alexander the Great’. …. It is interesting to learn that the original name of Antiochus IV ‘Epiphanes’, who, just as Pompey is said to have, would desecrate the Temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem, was likewise “Mithridates”: http://www.newworldencyclopedia.org/entry/Antiochus_IV_Epiphanes Fields again (p. 98): In a sense Pompey personified Roman imperialism, where absolute destruction was followed by the construction of stable empire and the rule of law. It also, not coincidentally, raised him to a pinnacle of glory and wealth. The client–rulers who swelled the train of Rome also swelled his own. He received extraordinary honours from the communities of the east, as ‘saviour and benefactor of the People and of all Asia, guardian of land and sea’. …. There was an obvious precedent for all this. As the elder Pliny later wrote, Pompey’s victories ‘equalled in brilliance the exploits of Alexander the Great’. Without a doubt, so Pliny continues, the proudest boast of our ‘Roman Alexander’ would be that ‘he found Asia on the rim of Rome’s possessions, and left it in the centre’. …. Pompey is even supposed to have gone so far as to have tried to emulate Alexander’s distinctive appearance: http://penelope.uchicago.edu/~grout/encyclopaedia_romana/miscellanea/cleopatra/pompey. The marble bust of Pompey is in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (Copenhagen). Its somewhat incongruous appearance, the round face and small lidded eyes beneath the leonine mane of hair, is because Pompey, the most powerful Roman of his day, sought a comparison with Alexander the Great, whose distinctive portraits were characterized by a thoughtful facial expression and, more iconographically, locks of hair brushed back high from the forehead, a stylistic form known as anastole, from the Greek “to put back.” …. Did Pompey absorb – like I have argued may have been the case with Julius Caesar – not only Alexander-like characteristics, but also general Hellenistic ones? Or, more to the point - in the context of this series - was the semi-legendary “Pompey” a composite based upon Hellenistic personages? And might that mean that the famous event of Pompey’s desecration (by his presence therein) of the Temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem, supposedly in 63 BC: http://jewishencyclopedia.com/articles/12264-pompey-the-great The capture of the Temple mount was accompanied by great slaughter. The priests who were officiating despite the battle were massacred by the Roman soldiers, and many committed suicide; while 12,000 people besides were killed. Pompey himself entered the Temple, but he was so awed by its sanctity that he left the treasure and the costly vessels untouched (“Ant.” xiv. 4, § 4; “B. J.” i. 7, § 6; Cicero, “Pro Flacco,” § 67). The leaders of the war party were executed, and the city and country were laid under tribute. A deadly blow was struck at the Jews when Pompey separated from Judea the coast cities from Raphia to Dora, as well as all the Hellenic cities in the east-Jordan country, and the so-called Decapolis, besides Scythopolis and Samaria, all of which were incorporated in the new province of Syria [,] may be in fact a muddled version of that real historical incident when Antiochus (Mithridates) ‘Epiphanes’ most infamously desecrated the Temple by erecting an image of Zeus in his own likeness on the altar? Part Three: Crassus, Cicero and Julius Caesar In common Croesus and Crassus: Disgustingly rich; powerful; fought against the east, Persians, Parthians; captured; killed. It can either be said today, “as rich as Croesus”, or, “as rich as Crassus”. Marcus Licinius Crassus He is conventionally dated to c. 115-53 BC. We have already had some fun with the ‘filthy rich’ Crassus, supposedly one member of the ‘First Triumvirate’. See e.g. my article: Croesus and Crassus https://www.academia.edu/35003607/Croesus_and_Crassus I’m Marcus Licinius Crassus, No rich man could ever surpass us. Wanted people to say I was brave, But I lost my first fight and hid in a cave. Living there could be a pauper’s nightmare, But if you’re rich like me then you don’t care. I called my slave to the cave to ask it, To cook a feast and lower in a basket. Horrible Histories A decade after his fellow triumvir, Pompey ‘the Great’, was supposed to have desecrated the Temple of Yahweh in Jerusalem (63 BC), Crassus is said to have done the very same (53 BC). As I noted in the above article: “More reminiscent of that persecutor [Antiochus] were the events involving Crassus in 53. Crassus not only entered the temple, as Pompey had, but he also robbed it as Antiochus had. In addition, Plutarch (Crass. 17. 5-6) describes the plundering of a temple at Hierapolis in Syria by Crassus, the same temple that is said to have been plundered by Antiochus IV Epiphanes (Granius Licinianus, Ann. 28). Finally, Crassus's defeat at the hands of the Parthians, and his death during that eastern campaign, were also reminiscent of Antiochus. As argued above, this was probably the impetus to the revolt following his death, but it probably also had a more lasting effect. I shall clarify this point: in asserting similarities between the actions of Pompey and Crassus with Antiochus Epiphanes, I neither maintain an identity of the causes and the motivations of the revolts of the first century BCE against the Romans with those of the Maccabean revolt against Antiochus, as argues by William Farmer and by Martin Hengel … nor do I agree with them that those motivations were primarily religious”. …. In this article, though, I am (contrary to the above quote) ‘asserting similarities between the actions of Pompey and Crassus with Antiochus Epiphanes’ and I am ‘maintaining an identity of the causes and the motivations … with those of the Maccabean revolt against Antiochus, as argued by William Farmer and by Martin Hengel …’. Thus, finding some definite similarities between Crassus and Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’, I can continue to pursue my ‘Hellenisation’ of supposed C1st BC Roman Republicans. Crassus is, however, like Pompey again, a composite character (and non-historical). For, apart from his likenesses to the Seleucid king, Antiochus, he has other features in common with the semi-legendary composite king, Croesus - who has, in turn, likenesses to the Aztec, Montezuma, another entirely fictitious character and famous under that name in various Indian (including Apache) legends. See e.g. my articles: Croesus and Montezuma https://www.academia.edu/34970392/Croesus_and_Montezuma and: Croesus and Montezuma. Part Two: Montezuma and early Genesis https://www.academia.edu/35424792/Croesus_and_Montezuma._Part_Two_Montezuma_and Marcus Tullius Cicero He is conventionally dated to c. 106-43 BC. If he were to be lined up with a Greek alter ego, I would suggest – have suggested: Ptolemy IX “Chickpea” and Cicero “Chickpea” https://www.academia.edu/32758739/Ptolemy_IX_Chickpea_and_Cicero_Chickpea_ “… I suggest that Cicero explicitly employs unhistorical (or at least not certifiably true) exempla, with a view to the internal consistency of the dialogues' fictional world”. Dan Hanchey I wrote there: Some obvious similarities between the text-book Ptolemy Soter (so-called IX) and Cicero are their supposed beginnings before 100 BC, and their sharing of a name, or nickname, meaning “Chickpea”. In the book, Language Typology and Historical Contingency: In honor of Johanna Nichols (eds. B. Bickel et al.), we read as follows about this name (p. 303): The possible prehistory of *ḱiḱer- is more interesting. The attested forms are Latin (Glare 1996) cicer ‘chickpea’ (Cicer arietinum), cicera ‘chickling vetch’ (Lathyrus sativus), Armenian siseṙn ‘chickpea’, Macedonian (Hesychius) kíkerroi (Lathyrus ochrus), and Serbo-Croatian sȁstrica (Lathyrus cicera or Lathyrus sativus). …. There is also the possibility of Greek kriós, ‘chickpea’, which Pokorny (1994: 598) tentatively suggests might be from *kikriós with dissimilation, and Hittite kikris, a food item used in a mash, and measured in handfuls. …. Likewise, Ptolemy was, Cicero was, contemporaneous with a Cleopatra, who had no great love for the “Chickpea”, or vice versa. In the case of Ptolemy, we read: https://www.britannica.com/biography/Ptolemy-IX-Soter-II “Although [Cleopatra, so-called III] preferred his younger brother, Ptolemy Alexander, popular sentiment forced the dowager queen to dismiss him and to associate Ptolemy Soter on the throne with herself”. In parallel fashion, Cleopatra [so-called VII] ruled as co-regent with Ptolemy [so-called XII]: “Before his death, Ptolemy XII chose his daughter Cleopatra VII as his coregent. In his will, he declared that she and her brother Ptolemy XIII should rule the kingdom together”: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ptolemy_XII_Auletes Interestingly, Cicero, according to what we read at this site, is supposed to have commented unfavourably on this latter situation: Throughout his long-lasting reign the principal aim of Ptolemy [XII] was to secure his hold on the Egyptian throne so as to eventually pass it to his heirs. To achieve this goal he was prepared to sacrifice much: the loss of rich Ptolemaic lands, most of his wealth and even, according to Cicero, the very dignity on which the mystique of kingship rested when he appeared before the Roman people as a mere supplicant. As for Cicero and Cleopatra: “Without doubt Cicero was hoping for bad news about Cleopatra. He did not like Greeks and he did not like women, and most of all he hated the Greek woman Cleopatra ...”. (Michael Foss, The Search for Cleopatra, 1999). …. Gaius Julius Caesar He is conventionally dated to c. 100-44 BC. I previously in this article had suggested an Hellenistic origin for the clan name, Julius. To make matters really complicated, there is supposed to have been, incredibly, an ‘Antiochus Epiphanes’ at the time of the emperor Hadrian – and I have already identified the Antiochus Epiphanes with the emperor Hadrian: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Emperor Hadrian. Part One: “… a mirror Image” https://www.academia.edu/32734925/Antiochus_Epiphanes_and_Emperor_Hadrian._Part_One_a_mirror_image_ and: https://www.academia.edu/35538588/Antiochus_Epiphanes_and_Emperor_Hadrian._Part_Two_Hadrian_a_second_Antiochus_ and, guess what? - this Antiochus Epiphanes had the name of Julius Caesar. He was, supposedly, Gaius Julius Antiochus Epiphanes (Philopappus). Julius Caesar, the great man, acclaimed by some to have been the perfect man, never existed. He was, like Pompey, a composite of Alexander the Great and emperor Antiochus Epiphanes. Macedonian Greek, not Roman. And certain outstanding and miraculous aspects of Caesar’s legend were based on a truly great JC: JESUS CHRIST. Jesus Christ was the Model for some legends surrounding Julius Caesar https://www.academia.edu/14752305/Jesus_Christ_was_the_Model_for_some_legends_surrounding_Julius_Caesar https://www.academia.edu/14805253/Jesus_Christ_was_the_Model_for_some_legends_surrounding_Julius_Caesar._Part_Two_Hellenistic_Influence https://www.academia.edu/14886145/Jesus_Christ_was_the_Model_for_some_legends_surrounding_Julius_Caesar._Part_Three_Divine_Augustus Part Four: Precautions from Mary Beard A new interpretation of “Hadrian’s Wall” “Without Clayton’s work, Hadrian’s Wall today would look more like Offa’s Dyke”. Mary Beard Neither the Roman Republicans nor some of the early Roman Emperors have fared very well in this present article, in which famous Roman Republicans, and at least the emperor Hadrian, are shown to have their origins and proper identities in Hellenistic rulers. Hadrian himself has been merged with the Seleucid king, Antiochus IV ‘Epiphanes’. Archaeologists, as we have found, have the greatest difficulty in distinguishing the building works of Herod from those of Hadrian. Now, in the following intriguing article, Mary Beard has reached some unexpected conclusions about the famous, so-called: Hadrian’s Wall: https://www.the-tls.co.uk/was-hadrians-wall-built-in-the-nineteenth-century/ Was Hadrian’s Wall built in the nineteenth century? I am at a conference this weekend. It’s called From Plunder to Preservation and it’s organised by our Victorian Studies Group. In fact right now I should be at the conference dinner, but I begged off. It was bound, I thought, to be a Bacchanalian affair — and, as I am not drinking, I feared that I would either get irritated at everyone else’s jollity or else too tempted to have a glass myself. So I came home to write a review, which I’ve half finished now. The idea of the conference is to explore the relationship between heritage and empire. There hasn’t been a duff paper so far and there are too many highlights to go through them all. I particularly enjoyed Maya Jasanoff, who raised the issue of how far (or not) we ought to see the human plunder of empire, in the form of slaves, as analogous to the plunder in the form of art works. (In the course of this she talked interestingly about slave trade tourism in Ghana, and the different treatment of the monuments of the slave trade between Ghana and Sierra Leone). On the classical/Greek side, the husband talked about the Anglican cathedral in Khartoum, designed by Robert Weir Schultz, an Arts and Crafts architect who had started his career drawing and recording Byzantine monuments in Greece (the Khartoum church is based on the church of St Demetrius in Thessaloniki). This paper fitted extraordinarily well with Simon Goldhill‘s on the work of another Arts and Crafts-man, C. R. Ashbee in Jerusalem. Meanwhile Ed Richardson had spoken of the classical presentation of the Crimean War (with warships called things like "Agamemnon"). I looked instead at Roman Britain. The aim of my talk was to knock a nail into the coffin of the fashionable view that Roman British archaeology in the nineteenth century was a handmaiden of empire, that it was practised by classically trained public schoolboys, imbued with the spirit of empire. Archaeology was, in other words, imperialism pursued by other means. For Hadrian’s Wall, read the North West frontier and vice versa. My line is that this is a politically correct, but unthinking, approach to the study of Roman Britain in the nineteenth century. In short, it’s wrong. What exactly is the matter with it? In part, the supposed imperialist character of Romano-British archaeology is based on selective quotation. Of course, you can find a whole range of examples where nineteenth-century archaeologists use comparisons with the British empire, and laid end-to-end these look pretty impressive. But if you read the original material itself, there’s really not that much of it and it’s not the driving force behind the archaeological interpretation. If anything, they are much more aggressively interested in the role of Christianity in the province. More important though is the role of classical texts. There’s a common view that these classically trained archaeologists had somehow inherited an imperialist view of their subject from the classical texts they had read. That would, of course, be possible if those texts really were straightforwardly imperialist in outlook. But in fact Roman writers expressed deep ambivalence about the effects of the empire, and correlated Roman moral decline with the expansion of its imperial territory. More to the point, Tacitus’ Agricola — the key literary text for understanding Roman Britain — is also the text in which that ambivalence is expressed most clearly (this is the "make a desert and call it peace" text). Anyone brought up on the Agricola would be encouraged to take a wry, not an enthusiastic, position on imperialist endeavours. Another factor is the striking mismatch territorially between the British and Roman empire. Until the final dismemberment of the Ottoman empire, there was hardly any overlap between the two (Cyprus, Malta, Gibraltar). This meant that British archaeology was quite unlike its French equivalent, in the French colonies of North Africa — where Roman archaeology really did go hand in hand with imperial expansion. There was no such thing in the nineteenth century as Roman archaeology in the British empire. Except, of course, in Britain itself. Indeed the paradox at the heart of Roman Britain for its nineteenth-century practitioners was just that: the province which had been the most distant in the ancient empire, was the metropolis of the modern. Was Britain centre or periphery? In the course of this I looked at Hadrian’s Wall and its Victorian history. Two men were clearly crucial in its rediscovery (patriotic northerners, and hardly part of the British imperial project). First there was John Collingwood Bruce, who conducted ‘pilgrimages’ to the Wall and wrote the standard guide books. Second was John Clayton John Clayton, who preserved miles of the central section of the Wall from ‘native" depredation (in fact he bought up a lot of it to keep it safe). The more I read, though, the more I came to realise that Clayton’s interventions were considerably more significant than simply preservation. Over miles and miles, Clayton had his labourers rebuild the Wall and in the process he created for us those all the most impressive sections that tourists now love — several courses of dry stone masonry, topped with turf, scaling windy ridges. Without Clayton’s work, Hadrian’s Wall today would look more like Offa’s Dyke. Another ‘ancient’ monument built by the Victorians then. There’s hardly any that weren’t, it sometimes seems. …. Mary Beard on emperor Hadrian’s biography “The only fully surviving ancient biography is a short (20 pages or so) life - one of a series of colourful but flagrantly unreliable biographies of Roman emperors and princes written by person or persons unknown, sometime in the fourth or fifth centuries AD”. Mary Beard Some of what Mary Beard has written about our lack of reliable information about the emperor Hadrian does little to make me want to remove him from “Horrible Histories”. For example, she writes in “Hadrian — some myths busted”: https://www.the-tls.co.uk/hadrian-some-myths-busted/ I am delighted that the Hadrian exhibition at the British Museum looks set to be the huge success which it deserves. One of the downsides is that we classicists are going to have to get used to the rest of country enthusing about Hadrian in a way that will make us cringe. Last night’s Newsnight Review was a good example of just this. Newsnight Review is usually an excellent programme, and last night they had three intelligent critics on board (David Aaronovitch of this parish, Marina Hyde and Simon Sebag Montefiore). The trouble was none of them [seemed] … to know much more about Hadrian or the Roman empire than they had picked up in their preview visit to the show. The result was that they gave all kinds of misleading impressions to the innocent viewer. For a start you could easily have come away with the idea that we were uniquely well-informed about Hadrian thanks to his autobiography. As the presenter said, “No extant copy of his autobiography survives. But later copies were made so we know a lot about his life”. Well sorry guys, all we know is what may, or more likely may not, come from his autobiography in the scrappy, short and flagrantly unreliable biography in the series known as the Scriptores Historiae Augustae. So when Marina Hyde said “he was obsessed with cohesion the whole way through”, the truth is that we don’t have the foggiest clue what he was obsessed with. …. Oh well, we’ll have to get used to this kind of stuff – and learn not to stifle the enthusiasm but channel it towards a more sustained (and informed!) interest in the ancient world. …. Damien Mackey’s comment: To know much more about, to fill out, the somewhat poorly-known Hadrian, one might like to read my accounts of who may have been his ancient alter egos. See, for example, my series: Antiochus ‘Epiphanes’ and Emperor Hadrian. Part Two: “Hadrian … a second Antiochus” https://www.academia.edu/35538588/Antiochus_Epiphanes_and_Emperor_Hadrian._Part_Two_Hadrian_a_second_Antiochus_ Mary Beard has yet more to say about the obscurity of Hadrian in, “A very modern emperor”: https://www.theguardian.com/books/2008/jul/19/history …. The new exhibition at the British Museum, Hadrian: Empire and Conflict, features evocative objects from both sides of this Jewish war. There are simple everyday items recovered from a Jewish hideout: some house keys, a leather sandal, a straw basket almost perfectly preserved in the dry heat, a wooden plate and a mirror - evidence of the presence of women, according to the exhibition catalogue (as if men did not use mirrors). But with or without the women, these are all bitter reminders of the daily life that somehow managed to continue, even in hiding and in the middle of what was effectively genocide. From the other side, there is a magnificent bronze statue of the emperor himself, which once stood in a legionary camp near the River Jordan. The distinctive head of Hadrian (bearded, with soft curling hair and a giveaway kink in his ear lobe) sits on top of an elaborately decorated breast-plate, on which six nude warriors do battle. It is a striking combination, even if - here as elsewhere - the catalogue raises doubts about whether the head and body of this statue originally belonged together. Far away from Judaea, on the other side of the Roman world, Hadrian's military operations in Britain were less bloody. Apart from the low-level guerrilla warfare endemic in most Roman provinces, he had his troops occupied in building the famous wall running across the north of the province. This was a project inaugurated when Hadrian himself visited in 122, one of the few Roman emperors ever to set foot in the empire's unappealing northern outpost. It is now far from certain what this wall was for. The obvious explanation is that it was built to prevent hordes of nasty woad-painted natives from invading the nice civilised Roman province, with its baths, libraries and togas. But - leaving aside the rosy vision of life in Britannia that this implies (baths, libraries and togas for whom exactly?) - this overlooks one crucial fact. The impressive masonry structure, which provides the iconic photo-shot of the wall, makes up only part of its length. For one-third of its 70 miles the "wall" was just a turf bank, which would hardly have kept out a party of determined children, never mind a gang of barbarian terrorists. There are all kinds of alternative suggestion. Was it, for example, not much more than a fortified roadway across the province? Or was it more of a boast than a border - an aggressive, but essentially symbolic, Roman blot on the native landscape? …. …. If all this seems rather familiar, that is partly because there really are significant overlaps between the Hadrianic empire and our own experience of military conflict and geopolitics. We are still fighting in many of the same areas of the world and encountering many of the same problems. We are still claiming victory long before we have won the war - or indeed, in the Iraqi case, instead of winning the war. …. …. That feeling of familiarity has been boosted by Marguerite Yourcenar's fictional, pseudo-autobiography of the emperor, Memoirs of Hadrian. Published in 1951, and once hugely popular (it now seems to me rambling and frankly unreadable), it took the modern reader inside Hadrian's psyche - presenting the emperor as a troubled and intimate friend, in much the same way as Robert Graves made the emperor Claudius a rather jolly great-uncle. But Yourcenar's fictional construction is not the only reason for Hadrian's apparent modernity. There are all kinds of ways in which Hadrian's life and interests seem to match up to our own expectations of monarchs and world leaders, and to modern interests and passions. He was the sponsor of Mitterand-style grands projet, a great traveller to the outposts of his dominion (including that trip to Britain), as well as an enthusiastic collector of art. And to cap it all, he had an intriguing, and ultimately tragic, sex life. …. Traveller, patron, grief-stricken lover, art collector, clear-thinking military strategist. How do we explain why Hadrian seems so approachably modern? Why does he seem so much easier to understand than Nero or Augustus? As so often with characters from the ancient world, the answer lies more in the kind of evidence we have for his life than in the kind of person he really was. The modern Hadrian is the product of two things: on the one hand, a series of vivid and evocative images and material remains (from portrait heads and stunning building schemes to our own dilapidated wall); on the other, the glaring lack of any detailed, still less reliable, account from the ancient world of what happened in his reign, or of what kind of man he was, or what motivated him. …. The only fully surviving ancient biography is a short (20 pages or so) life - one of a series of colourful but flagrantly unreliable biographies of Roman emperors and princes written by person or persons unknown, sometime in the fourth or fifth centuries AD. This includes one or two nice anecdotes, which may or may not reflect an authentic tradition about Hadrian. …. Sadly, very little of the life is up to this quality. Most of it is a garbled confection, weaving together without much regard for chronology allegations of conspiracies, accounts of palace intrigue, and vendettas on Hadrian's part - plus an assortment of curious facts and personal titbits (his beard, it is claimed, was worn to cover up his bad skin). To fill the gaps, to make a coherent story out of the extraordinary material remains of his reign, to explain what drove the man, modern writers have been forced back on to their prejudices and familiarising assumptions about Roman imperial power and personalities. So, for example, where - thanks to the surviving ancient literary accounts - it has been impossible to see Nero as anything other than a rapacious megalomaniac, Hadrian has morphed conveniently into cultured art collector and amateur architect. Where Nero's relationships with men have to be seen as part of the corruption of his reign, Hadrian has been turned into a troubled gay. Hadrian seems familiar to us - for we have made him so. The British Museum exhibition presents Hadrian as an appropriate successor to the first emperor of China and his terracotta army, both key figures in the foundation and development of early imperial societies. Maybe so. But an even better reason to visit this stunning show is to see how the myth of a Roman emperor has been created - and continues to be created - out of our own imagination and the dazzling but sometimes puzzling array of statues, silver plates and lost keys of slaughtered Jewish freedom-fighters. Part Five: “Roman history is a literary fiction built on mythical structures” “The history of Britain will have to be rewritten. The AD43 Roman invasion never happened - and was simply a piece of sophisticated political spin by a weak Emperor Claudius”. Steve Bloomfield According to some new findings: https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/this-britain/revealed-our-friends-the-romans-did-not-invade-britain-after-all-496609.html Astonishing new archaeological finds reveal they were already our countrymen 50 years before Claudius spun his way into the history books. Steve Bloomfield reports: Revealed: our friends the Romans did not invade Britain after all …. The history of Britain will have to be rewritten. The AD43 Roman invasion never happened - and was simply a piece of sophisticated political spin by a weak Emperor Claudius. A series of astonishing archaeological findings of Roman military equipment, to be revealed this week, will prove that the Romans had already arrived decades earlier - and that they had been welcomed with open arms by ancient Britons. The discovery of swords, helmets and armour in Chichester, Sussex, dates back to a period between the late first century BC and the early first century AD- almost 50 years before the supposed invasion. Archaeologists who have studied the finds believe it will turn conventional Roman history taught in schools on its head. "It is like discovering that the Second World War started in 1938," said Dr David Rudkin, a Roman expert leading the work. …. The discoveries in Sussex will be revealed on Saturday during a Time Team special on Channel 4 analysing the Roman invasion. Tony Robinson, presenter of Time Team, said: "One of the frustrating things with history is that things become set in stone. We all believe it to be true. It is great to challenge some of the most commonly accepted pieces of our history." Dr Francis Pryor, president of the Council for British Archaeology, said it would prove controversial. "It turns the conventional view taught in all the textbooks on its head," he said. "It is going to cause lively debate among Roman specialists." The AD43 Roman invasion is one of the best-known events in British history. More than 40,000 Roman soldiers are believed to have landed in Richborough, Kent, before carving their way through the English countryside. The evidence unearthed in Sussex overturns this theory. Archaeologists now believe that the Romans arrived up to 50 years earlier in Chichester. They were welcomed as liberators, overthrowing a series of tyrannical tribal kings who had been terrorising clans across southern England. Sussex and Hampshire became part of the Roman Empire 50 years before the invasion that historians have always believed was the birth of Roman Britain. The findings and their implications will be published by Dr Rudkin later this year. The discoveries have centred on Fishbourne Roman Palace in Sussex. Artefacts found there in a V-shaped ditch include part of a copper alloy sword scabbard fitting that archaeologists have dated to the period between the late first century BC and early first century AD. Dr Miles Russell, a senior archaeologist at Bournemouth University who has studied the evidence, said: "All this talk of the Romans arriving in AD43 is just wrong. We get so fixated on the idea of a single invasion. It is far more piecemeal. In Sussex and Hampshire they were in togas and speaking Latin five decades before everyone else." According to Dr Russell, it was in Emperor Claudius's interest to "spin" the invasion of AD43 as a great triumph against strong opposition. Claudius had become emperor two years earlier but his position following the death of Caligula was tenuous. A bold military adventure to expand the empire would tighten Claudius's grip in Rome and prove his credentials as a strong leader. "Every period of history has its own spin doctors, and Claudius spun the invasion to look strong," Dr Russell said. "But Britain was Roman before Claudius got here." Julius Caesar first tried to conquer Britain during the Iron Age in 55BC, but storms on the journey from Boulogne, in France, to Dover caused Caesar's two legions to turn back. A force of five legions tried again in May 54BC and landed in Dover before marching towards London, defeating Cassivellaunus the King of Catuvellauni in Hertfordshire. News of an impending rebellion in Gaul caused Caesar to retreat, but not before he had made his mark. Britain at this stage in history was not one unified country, rather some 25 tribes often at war with each other. Not all tribes joined the coalition to fight Caesar. For example, the Trinovantes appealed to Caesar to protect them from Cassivellaunus who had run a series of raids into their territory. Dr Francis Pryor said that the findings in Sussex prove that relationships between tribes in southern England and the Romans continued after Caesar's attempted invasion. "The suggestion that they arrived in Chichester makes plenty of sense. We were a pretty fierce force but the Romans had a relatively easy run. This would have been a liberation of a friendly tribe - not an invasion." Oxford historian Dr Martin Henig, a Roman art specialist, said that the whole of southern England could have been a Roman protectorate for nearly 50 years prior to the AD43 invasion. "There is a possibility that there were actually Roman soldiers based in Britain during the whole period from the end of the first century BC," he said. Time Team will unveil their findings in a live two-hour special on Saturday evening on Channel 4. It will form part of the biggest ever archaeological examination of Roman Britain running over eight days and involving hundreds of archaeologists at sites across Britain. The series will investigate every aspect of the Romans' rule of Britain, from the supposed invasion to their departure 400 years later. “The mystery surrounding Julius Caesar is of course of great consequence, since on him rests the historiography of Imperial Rome. If Julius Caesar is a fiction, then so is much of Imperial Rome”. The Unz Review Taken from: https://www.unz.com/article/how-fake-is-roman-antiquity/ …. In the mainstream of classical studies, ancient texts are assumed to be authentic if they are not proven forged. Cicero’s De Consolatione is now universally considered the work of Carolus Sigonius (1520-1584), an Italian humanist born in Modena, only because we have a letter by Sigonius himself admitting the forgery. But short of such a confession, or of some blatant anachronism, historians and classical scholars will simply ignore the possibility of fraud. They would never, for example, suspect Francesco Petrarca, known as Petrarch (1304-1374), of faking his discovery of Cicero’s letters, even though he went on publishing his own letters in perfect Ciceronian style. Jerry Brotton is not being ironic when he writes in The Renaissance Bazaar: “Cicero was crucial to Petrarch and the subsequent development of humanism because he offered a new way of thinking about how the cultured individual united the philosophical and contemplative side of life with its more active and public dimension. […] This was the blueprint for Petrarch’s humanism.”[6]Jerry Brotton, The Renaissance Bazaar: From the Silk Road to Michelangelo, Oxford UP, 2010, pp. 66-67. The medieval manuscripts found by Petrarch are long lost, so what evidence do we have of their authenticity, besides Petrarch’s reputation? Imagine if historians seriously questioned the authenticity of some of our most cherished classical treasures. How many of them would pass the test? If Hochart is right and Tacitus is removed from the list of reliable sources, the whole historical edifice of the Roman Empire suffers from a major structural failure, but what if other pillars of ancient historiography crumble under similar scrutiny? What about Titus Livy, author a century earlier than Tacitus of a monumental history of Rome in 142 verbose volumes, starting with the foundation of Rome in 753 BC through the reign of Augustus. It is admitted, since Louis de Beaufort’s critical analysis (1738), that the first five centuries of Livy’s history are a web of fiction.[7]Louis de Beaufort, Dissertation sur l’incertitude des cinq premiers siècles de l’histoire romaine (1738), on www.mediterranee-antique.fr/Fichiers_PdF/ABC/Beaufort/Dissertation.pdf. But can we trust the rest of it? It was also Petrarch, Brotton informs us, who “began piecing together texts like Livy’s History of Rome, collating different manuscript fragments, correcting corruptions in the language, and imitating its style in writing a more linguistically fluent and rhetorically persuasive form of Latin.”[8]Jerry Brotton, The Renaissance Bazaar, op. cit., pp. 66-67. None of the manuscripts used by Petrarch are available anymore. What about the Augustan History (Historia Augusta), a Roman chronicle that Edward Gibbon trusted entirely for writing his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire? It has since been exposed as the work of an impostor who has masked his fraud by inventing sources from scratch. However, for some vague reason, it is assumed that the forger lived in the fifth century, which is supposed to make his forgery worthwhile anyway. In reality, some of its stories sound like cryptic satire of Renaissance mores, others like Christian calumny of pre-Christian religion. How likely is it, for example, that the hero Antinous, worshipped throughout the Mediterranean Basin as an avatar of Osiris, was the gay lover (eromenos) of Hadrian, as told in Augustan History? Such questions of plausibility are simply ignored by professional historians.[9]It is never raised, for example, by Royston Lambert in his Beloved and God: The Story of Hadrian and Antinous, Phoenix Giant, 1984. But they jump to the face of any lay reader unimpressed by scholarly consensus. For instance, just reading the summary of Suetonius’ Lives of the Twelve Cesars on the Wikipedia page should suffice to raise very strong suspicions, not only of fraud, but of mockery, for we are obviously dealing here with biographies of great imagination, but of no historical value whatsoever. Works of fiction also come under suspicion. We owe the complete version of The Satyricon, supposedly written under Nero, to a manuscript discovered by Poggio Bracciolini in Cologne.[10]Petronius, The Satyricon, trans. P. D. Walsh , Oxford UP, 1997, “Introduction,” p. xxxv. Apuleius’ novel The Golden Ass was also found by Poggio in the same manuscript as the fragments of Tacitus’ Annales and Histories. It was unknown before the thirteenth century, and its central piece, the tale of Cupid and Psyche, seems derived from the more archaic version found in the twelfth-century Roman de Partonopeu de Blois.[11]Gédéon Huet, “Le Roman d’Apulée était-il connu au Moyen Âge ?”, Le Moyen Âge, 22 (1909), pp. 23-28. The question can be raised of why Romans would bother writing and copying such works on papyrus volumen, but the more important question is: Why would medieval monks copy and preserve them on expensive parchments? This question applies to all pagan authors, for none of them reached the Renaissance in manuscripts allegedly older than the ninth century. “Did the monks, out of pure scientific interest, have a duty to preserve for posterity, for the greater glory of paganism, the masterpieces of antiquity?” asks Hochart. And not only masterpieces, but bundles of letters! In the early years of the sixteenth century, the Veronian Fra Giovanni Giocondo discovered a volume of 121 letters exchanged between Pliny the Younger (friend of Tacitus) and Emperor Trajan around the year 112. This “book”, writes Latinist scholar Jacques Heurgon, “had disappeared during the whole Middle Ages, and one could believe it definitively lost, when it suddenly emerged, in the very first years of the sixteenth century, in a single manuscript which, having been copied, partially, then completely, was lost again.”[12]https://www.persee.fr/doc/bsnaf_0081-1181_1958_num_1...1_5488 Such unsuspecting presentation is illustrative of the blind confidence of classical scholars in their Latin sources, unknown in the Middle Ages and magically appearing from nowhere in the Renaissance. The strangest thing, Hochart remarks, is that Christian monks are supposed to have copied thousands of pagan volumes on expensive parchment, only to treat them as worthless rubbish: “To explain how many works of Latin authors had remained unknown to scholars of previous centuries and were uncovered by Renaissance scholars, it was said that monks had generally relegated to the attics or cellars of their convents most of the pagan writings that had been in their libraries. It was therefore among the discarded objects, sometimes among the rubbish, when they were allowed to search there, that the finders of manuscripts found, they claimed, the masterpieces of antiquity.” In medieval convents, manuscript copying was a commercial craft, and focused exclusively on religious books such as psalters, gospels, missals, catechisms, and saints’ legends. They were mostly copied on papyrus. Parchment and vellum were reserved for luxury books, and since it was a very expensive material, it was common practice to scrape old scrolls in order to reuse them. Pagan works were the first to disappear. In fact, their destruction, rather than their preservation, was considered a holy deed, as hagiographers abundantly illustrate in their saints’ lives. How real is Julius Caesar? Independently of Hochart, and on the basis of philological considerations, Robert Baldauf, professor at the university of Basle, argued that many of the most famous ancient Latin and Greek works are of late medieval origin (Historie und Kritik, 1902). “Our Romans and Greeks have been Italian humanists,” he says. They have given us a whole fantasy world of Antiquity that “has rooted itself in our perception to such an extent that no positivist criticisms can make humanity doubt its veracity.” Baldauf points out, for example, German and Italian influences in Horace’s Latin. On similar grounds, he concludes that Julius Cesar’s books, so appreciated for their exquisite Latin, are late medieval forgeries. Recent historians of Gaul, now informed by archeology, are actually puzzled by Cesar’s Commentarii de Bello Gallico—our only source on the elusive Vercingetorix. Everything in there that doesn’t come from book XXIII of Poseidonios’ Histories appears either wrong or unreliable in terms of geography, demography, anthropology, and religion.[13]Jean-Louis Brunaux, The Celtic Gauls: Gods, Rites, and Santuaries, Routledge, 1987; David Henige, “He came, he saw, we counted: the historiography and demography of Caesar’s gallic numbers,” Annales de démographie historique, 1998-1, pp. 215-242, on www.persee.fr A great mystery hangs over the supposed author himself. We are taught that “Caesar” was a cognomen (nickname) of unknown meaning and origin, and that it was adopted immediately after Julius Caesar’s death as imperial title; we are asked to believe, in other words, that the emperors all called themselves Caesar in memory of that general and dictator who was not even emperor, and that the term gained such prestige that it went on to be adopted by Russian “Czars” and German “Kaisers”. But that etymology has long been challenged by those (including Voltaire) who claim that Caesar comes from an Indo-European root word meaning “king”, which also gave the Persian Khosro. These two origins cannot both be true, and the second seems well grounded. Cesar’s gentilice (surname) Iulius does not ease our perplexity. We are told by Virgil that it goes back to Cesar’s supposed ancestor Iulus or Iule. But Virgil also tells us (drawing from Cato the Elder, c. 168 BC) that it is the short name of Jupiter (Jul Pater). And it happens to be an Indo-European root word designating the sunlight or the day sky, identical to the Scandinavian name for the solar god, Yule (Helios for the Greeks, Haul for the Gauls, Hel for the Germans, from which derives the French Noël, Novo Hel). Is “Julius Caesar” the “Sun King”? LinkBookmarkConsider, in addition, that: 1. Roman emperors were traditionally declared adoptive sons of the sun-god Jupiter or of the “Undefeated Sun” (Sol Invictus). 2. The first emperor, Octavian Augustus, was allegedly the adoptive son of Julius Caesar, whom he divinized under the name Iulius Caesar Divus (celebrated on January 1), while renaming in his honor the first month of summer, July. If Augustus is both the adoptive son of the divine Sun and the adoptive son of the divine Julius, and if in addition Julius or Julus is the divine name of the Sun, it means that the divine Julius is none other than the divine Sun (and the so-called “Julian” calendar simply meant the “solar” calendar). Julius Caesar has been brought down from heaven to earth, transposed from mythology to history. That is a common process in Roman history, according to Georges Dumézil, who explains the notorious poverty of Roman mythology by the fact that it “was radically destroyed at the level of theology [but] flourished in the form of history,” which is to say that Roman history is a literary fiction built on mythical structures.[14]Georges Dumézil, Heur et malheur du guerrier. Aspects mythiques de la fonction guerrière chez les Indo-Européens (1969), Flammarion, 1985, p. 66 and 16. The mystery surrounding Julius Caesar is of course of great consequence, since on him rests the historiography of Imperial Rome. If Julius Caesar is a fiction, then so is much of Imperial Rome. Note that, on the coins attributed to his era, the first emperor is simply named Augustus Caesar, which is not a name, but a title that could be applied to any emperor. …. Were the Romans of eastern origin? A helpful background to the following controversial piece on the ‘first Romans’ might be my series: Famous Roman Republicans beginning to loom as spectral beginning with Part One: https://www.academia.edu/46895163/Famous_Roman_Republicans_beginning_to_loom_as_spectral_Part_One_Still_a_Republic_at_time_of_Herod_the_Great The following has been taken from: https://www.unz.com/article/how-fake-is-roman-antiquity/ Who were the first “Romans” One obvious objection to the idea that the relationship between Rome and Constantinople has been inverted is that the Byzantines called themselves Romans (Romaioi), and believed they were living in Romania. Persians, Arabs and Turks called them Roumis. Even the Greeks of the Hellenic Peninsula called themselves Romaioi in Late Antiquity, despite their detestation of the Latins. This is taken as proof that the Byzantines considered themselves the heirs of the Roman Empire of the West, founded in Rome, Italy. But it is not. Strangely enough, mythography and etymology both suggest that, just like the name “Caesar”, the name “Rome” travelled from East to West, rather than the other way. Romos, latinized in Romus or Remus, is a Greek word meaning “strong”. The Italian Romans were Etruscans from Lydia in Asia Minor. They were well aware of their eastern origin, the memory of which was preserved in their legends. According to the tradition elaborated by Virgil in his epic Aeneid, Rome was founded by Aeneas from Troy, in the immediate vicinity of the Bosphorus. According to another version, Rome was founded by Romos, the son of Odysseus and Circe.[18] The historian Strabo, supposedly living in the first century BC (but quoted only from the fifth century AD), reports that “another older tradition makes Rome an Arcadian colony,” and insists that “Rome itself was of Hellenic origin” (Geographia V, 3). Denys of Halicarnassus in his Roman Antiquities, declares “Rome is a Greek city.” His thesis is summed up by the syllogism: “The Romans descend from the Trojans. But the Trojans are of Greek origin. So the Romans are of Greek origin.” The famous legend of Romulus and Remus, told by Titus Livy (I, 3), is generally considered of later origin. It could very well be an invention of the late Middle Age. Anatoly Fomenko, of whom we will have more to say later on, believes that its central theme, the simultaneous foundation of two cities, one by Romulus on the Palatine Hill, and the other by Remus on the Aventine, is a mythical reflection of the struggle for ascendency between the two Romes. As we shall see, the murder of Remus by Romulus is a fitting allegory of the events unfolding from the fourth crusade.[19] Interestingly, that legend evokes the history of the brothers Valens and Valentinian, who are said to have reigned respectively over Constantinople and Rome from 364 to 378 (their story is known from one single author, Ammianus Marcellinus, a Greek writing in Latin). It happens that valens is a Latin equivalent for the Greek romos. We have started this article by suggesting that much of the history of the Western Roman Empire is of Renaissance invention. But as we progress in our investigation, another complementary hypothesis will emerge: much of the history of the Western Roman Empire is borrowed from the history of the Eastern Roman Empire, either by deliberate plagiarism, or by confusion resulting from the fact that the Byzantines called themselves Romans and their city Rome. The process can be inferred from some obvious duplicates. Here is one example, taken from Latin historian Jordanes, whose Origin and Deeds of the Goths is notoriously full of anachronisms: in 441, Attila crossed the Danube, invaded the Balkans, and threatened Constantinople, but could not take the city and retreated with an immense booty. Ten years later, the same Attila crossed the Alps, invaded Italy, and threatened Rome, but couldn’t take the city and retreated with an immense booty. …. The Latin Language The following has been taken from: https://www.unz.com/article/how-fake-is-roman-antiquity/ The mysterious origin of Latin Another objection against questioning the existence of the Western Roman Empire is the spread of Latin throughout the Mediterranean world and beyond. It is admitted that Latin, originally the language spoken in the Latium, is the origin of French, Italian, Occitan, Catalan, Spanish and Portuguese, called “Western Romance Languages”. However, the amateur historian and linguist M. J. Harper has made the following remark: “The linguistic evidence mirrors the geography with great precision: Portuguese resembles Spanish more than any other language; French resembles Occitan more than any other; Occitan resembles Catalan, Catalan resembles Spanish and so forth. So which was the Ur-language? Can’t tell; it could be any of them. Or it could be a language that has long since disappeared. But the original language cannot have been Latin. All the Romance languages, even Portuguese and Italian, resemble one another more than any of them resemble Latin, and do so by a wide margin.”[20] For that reason, linguists postulate that “Romance languages” do not derive directly from Latin, but from Vulgar Latin, the popular and colloquial sociolect of Latin spoken by soldiers, settlers, and merchants of the Roman Empire. What was Vulgar Latin, or proto-Romance, like? No one knows. As a matter of fact, the language that most resembles Latin is Romanian, which, although divided in several dialects, constitutes by itself the only member of the Eastern branch of Romance languages. It is the only Romance language that has maintained archaic traits of Latin, such as the case system (endings of words depending on their role in the sentence) and the neutral gender.[21] But how did Romanians come to speak Vulgar Latin? There is another mystery there. Part of the linguistic area of Romanian was conquered by Emperor Trajan in 106 AD, and formed the Roman province of Dacia for a mere 165 years. One or two legions were stationed in the South-West of Dacia, and, although not Italians, they are supposed to have communicated in Vulgar Latin and imposed their language to the whole country, even north of the Danube, where there was no Roman presence. What language did people speak in Dacia before the Romans conquered the south part of it? No one has a clue. The “Dacian language” “is an extinct language, … poorly documented. … only one Dacian inscription is believed to have survived.” Only 160 Romanian words are hypothetically of Dacian origin. Dacian is believed to be closely related to Thracian, itself “an extinct and poorly attested language.” Let me repeat: The inhabitants of Dacia north of the Danube adopted Latin from the non-Italian legions that stationed on the lower part of their territory from 106 to 271 AD, and completely forgot their original language, to the point that no trace of it is left. They were so Romanized that their country came to be called Romania, and that Romanian is now closer to Latin than are other European Romance languages. Yet the Romans hardly ever occupied Dacia (on the map above, Dacia is not even counted as part of the Roman Empire). The next part is also extraordinary: Dacians, who had so easily given up their original language for Vulgar Latin, then became so attached to Vulgar Latin that the German invaders, who caused the Romans to retreat in 271, failed to impose their language. So did the Huns and, more surprisingly, the Slavs, who dominated the area since the seventh century and left many traces in the toponymy. Less than ten percent of Romanian words are of Slavic origin (but the Romanians adopted Slavonic for their liturgy). One more thing: although Latin was a written language in the Empire, Romanians are believed to have never had a written language until the Middle Ages. The first document written in Romanian goes back to the sixteenth century, and it is written in Cyrillic alphabet. Obviously, there is room for the following alternative theory: Latin is a language originating from Dacia; ancient Dacian did not vanish mysteriously but is the common ancestor of both Latin and modern Romanian. Dacian, if you will, is Vulgar Latin, which preceded Classical Latin. A likely explanation for the fact that Dacia is also called Romania is that it—rather than Italy—was the original home of the Romans who founded Constantinople.[22] That would be consistent with the notion that the Roman language (Latin) remained the administrative language of the Eastern Empire until the sixth century AD, when it was abandoned for Greek, the language spoken by the majority of its subjects. That, in turn, is consistent with the character of Latin itself. Harper makes the following remark: “Latin is not a natural language. When written, Latin takes up approximately half the space of written Italian or written French (or written English, German or any natural European language). Since Latin appears to have come into existence in the first half of the first millennium BC, which was the time when alphabets were first spreading through the Mediterranean basin, it seems a reasonable working hypothesis to assume that Latin was originally a shorthand compiled by Italian speakers for the purposes of written (confidential? commercial?) communication. This would explain: a) the very close concordance between Italian and Latin vocabulary; b) the conciseness of Latin in, for instance, dispensing with separate prepositions, compound verb forms and other ‘natural’ language impedimenta; c) the unusually formal rules governing Latin grammar and syntax; d) the lack of irregular, non-standard usages; e) the unusual adoption among Western European languages of a specifically vocative case (‘Dear Marcus, re. you letter of…’).[23] The hypothesis that Latin was a “non-demotic” language, a koine of the empire, a cultural artifact developed for the purpose of writing, was first proposed by Russian researchers Igor Davidenko and Jaroslav Kesler in The Book of Civilizations (2001). … Cornelius Tacitus The following is extremely interesting in light of this present series and the doubts it casts upon the reliability of conventional ancient Roman history: https://www.unz.com/article/how-fake-is-roman-antiquity/ This is the first of a series of three articles challenging the conventional historical framework of the Mediterranean world from the Roman Empire to the Crusades. It is a collective contribution to an old debate that has gained new momentum in recent decades in the fringe of the academic world, mostly in Germany, Russia, and France. Some working hypotheses will be made along the way, and the final article will suggest a global solution in the form of a paradigm shift based on hard archeological evidence. Tacitus and Bracciolini One of our most detailed historical sources on imperial Rome is Cornelius Tacitus (56-120 CE), whose major works, the Annals and the Histories, span the history of the Roman Empire from the death of Augustus in 14 AD, to the death of Domitian in 96. Here is how the French scholar Polydor Hochart introduced in 1890 the result of his investigation on “the authenticity of the Annals and the Histories of Tacitus,” building up on the work of John Wilson Ross published twelve years earlier, Tacitus and Bracciolini: The Annals forged in the XVth century (1878): “At the beginning of the fifteenth century scholars had at their disposal no part of the works of Tacitus; they were supposed to be lost. It was around 1429 that Poggio Bracciolini and Niccoli of Florence brought to light a manuscript that contained the last six books of the Annals and the first five books of the Histories. It is this archetypal manuscript that served to make the copies that were in circulation until the use of printing. Now, when one wants to know where and how it came into their possession, one is surprised to find that they have given unacceptable explanations on this subject, that they either did not want or could not say the truth. About eighty years later, Pope Leo X was given a volume containing the first five books of the Annals. Its origin is also surrounded by darkness. / Why these mysteries? What confidence do those who exhibited these documents deserve? What guarantees do we have of their authenticity? / In considering these questions we shall first see that Poggio and Niccoli were not distinguished by honesty and loyalty, and that the search for ancient manuscripts was for them an industry, a means of acquiring money. / We will also notice that Poggio was one of the most learned men of his time, that he was also a clever calligrapher, and that he even had in his pay scribes trained by him to write on parchment in a remarkable way in Lombard and Carolin characters. Volumes coming out of his hands could thus imitate perfectly the ancient manuscripts, as he says himself. / We will also be able to see with what elements the Annals and the Histories were composed. Finally, in seeking who may have been the author of this literary fraud, we shall be led to think that, in all probability, the pseudo-Tacitus is none other than Poggio Bracciolini himself.”[1] Hochart’s demonstration proceeds in two stages. First, he traces the origin of the manuscript discovered by Poggio and Niccoli, using Poggio’s correspondence as evidence of deception. Then Hochart deals with the emergence of the second manuscript, two years after Pope Leo X (a Medici) had promised great reward in gold to anyone who could provide him with unknown manuscripts of the ancient Greeks or Romans. Leo rewarded his unknown provider with 500 golden crowns, a fortune at that time, and immediately ordered the printing of the precious manuscript. Hochart concludes that the manuscript must have been supplied indirectly to Leo X by Jean-François Bracciolini, the son and sole inheritor of Poggio’s private library and papers, who happened to be secretary of Leo X at that time, and who used an anonymous intermediary in order to elude suspicion. Both manuscripts are now preserved in Florence, so their age can be scientifically established, can’t it? That is questionable, but the truth, anyway, is that their age is simply assumed. For other works of Tacitus, such as Germania and De Agricola, we don’t even have any medieval manuscripts. David Schaps tells us that Germania was ignored throughout the Middle Ages but survived in a single manuscript that was found in Hersfeld Abbey in 1425, was brought to Italy and examined by Enea Silvio Piccolomini, later Pope Pius II, as well as by Bracciolini, then vanished from sight.[2] Poggio Bracciolini (1380-1459) is credited for “rediscovering and recovering a great number of classical Latin manuscripts, mostly decaying and forgotten in German, Swiss, and French monastic libraries” (Wikipedia). Hochart believes that Tacitus’ books are not his only forgeries. Under suspicion come other works by Cicero, Lucretius, Vitruvius, and Quintilian, to name just a few. For instance, Lucretius’ only known work, De rerum natura “virtually disappeared during the Middle Ages, but was rediscovered in 1417 in a monastery in Germany by Poggio Bracciolini” (Wikipedia). So was Quintilian’s only extant work, a twelve-volume textbook on rhetoric entitled Institutio Oratoria, whose discovery Poggio recounts in a letter: “There amid a tremendous quantity of books which it would take too long to describe, we found Quintilian still safe and sound, though filthy with mould and dust. For these books were not in the library, as befitted their worth, but in a sort of foul and gloomy dungeon at the bottom of one of the towers, where not even men convicted of a capital offence would have been stuck away.” Provided Hochart is right, was Poggio the exception that confirms the rule of honesty among the humanists to whom humankind is indebted for “rediscovering” the great classics? Hardly, as we shall see. Even the great Erasmus (1465-1536) succumbed to the temptation of forging a treatise under the name of saint Cyprian (De duplici martyrio ad Fortunatum), which he pretended to have found by chance in an ancient library. Erasmus used this stratagem to voice his criticism of the Catholic confusion between virtue and suffering. In this case, heterodoxy gave the forger away. But how many forgeries went undetected for lack of originality? Giles Constable writes in “Forgery and Plagiarism in the Middle Ages”: “The secret of successful forgers and plagiarists is to attune the deceit so closely to the desires and standards of their age that it is not detected, or even suspected, at the time of creation.” In other words: “Forgeries and plagiarisms … follow rather than create fashion and can without paradox be considered among the most authentic products of their time.”[3] We are here focusing on literary forgeries, but there were other kinds. Michelangelo himself launched his own career by faking antique statues, including one known as the Sleeping Cupid (now lost), while under the employment of the Medici family in Florence. He used acidic earth to make the statue look antique. It was sold through a dealer to Cardinal Riario of San Giorgio, who eventually found out the hoax and demanded his money back, but didn’t press any charges against the artist. Apart from this recognized forgery, Lynn Catterson has made a strong case that the sculptural group of “Laocoon and his Sons,” dated from around 40 BC and supposedly discovered in 1506 in a vineyard in Rome and immediately acquired by Pope Julius II, is another of Michelangelo’s forgery (read here)[4]. When one comes to think about it seriously, one can find several reasons to doubt that such masterworks were possible any time before the Renaissance, one of them having to do with the progress in human anatomy. Many other antique works raise similar questions. For instance, a comparison between Marcus Aurelius’ bronze equestrian statue (formely thought to be Constantine’s), with, say, Louis XIV’s, makes you wonder: how come nothing remotely approaching this level of achievement can be found between the fifth and the fifteenth century?[5] Can we even be sure that Marcus Aurelius is a historical figure? “The major sources depicting the life and rule of Marcus are patchy and frequently unreliable” (Wikipedia), the most important one being the highly dubious Historia Augusta (more later). ….